Electronic Waste in Tanzania

Introduction

In the introduction to this part of the thesis, the auctioneer keeps mentioning makinikia, a Swahili word that became famous in the past seven years. The fame can be traced back to President John Pombe Magufuli, who ascended to office in 2015. During his time in office, he started a legal dispute with Canadian mining conglomerate Acacia Mining Plc over exporting sand from Tanzania’s gold mines. The sand is believed to contain other minerals apart from gold that Acacia is licensed to mine in Tanzania. The sand was supposedly illegally exported out of the country for further smelting of these metals. Makinikia is the sand from the mines that is believed to hold these minerals.

On the one hand, the auctioneer uses the term ‘makinikia’ to refer to second-hand electronics and other machinery. Even though the devices have been used in England, there is still value or function remaining in them that can be used in Tanzania. On the other hand, following the Basel Convention that bans transboundary export of hazardous materials, in which e-waste is included, reveals the grey side or probable illegality of the export of second-hand electronics from the United Kingdom to Tanzania. Many Tanzanians and non-Tanzanians abroad, especially in Europe, Asia, and the Americas, collect and export used goods to Tanzania. The market for used goods in Tanzania is very stable, making the business lucrative.

In that sense, the auctioneer uses the word to mean that even though the objects have been thrown out in the UK, still there is great value in them that can be used.

The Basel Convention, signed in 1989, aims to safeguard developing countries from being used as dumping grounds for toxic waste. This phenomenon can be described as pollution colonialism, where developed countries turn less developed ones into junkyards (Liboiron,

2021). The convention prohibits the transboundary movement of hazardous materials.

Electronic waste, because of embedded toxic chemical compounds, is also included in the convention (Andrews, 2009).

There are other multilateral agreements and mechanisms in place in controlling transboundary movements of hazardous materials, including e-waste. The Basel Convention is the main agreement, although others include the Stockholm Convention and Bamako Convention. Even though there are discussions about the definition of and concerns related to e-waste, as I have shown in the introduction, countries have put infrastructure and frameworks in place to regulate, control, and manage it. Focusing on Tanzania, this chapter will review some of the regulatory frameworks for e-waste and the mechanisms in place (or not) for safe recycling and disposal.

Sustainable Development Goal 17 under ‘technology’ promotes the development, transfer, dissemination, and diffusion of environmentally sound technologies to developing countries on favourable terms, including concessional and preferential terms, as mutually agreed. Goal 17 is significant as it also reflects Goal 3 (Good Health and Well-Being), Goal 6 (Clean Water and Sanitation), Goal 8 (Decent Work and Economic Growth), Goal 11 (Sustainable Cities and Communities), Goal 12 (Responsible Consumption and Production), and Goal 14 (Life Below Water).⁵ The fast growth of information and

5 https://sdgs.un.org/goals

Figure 9 Used Electronic shop at Darajani Market, Zanzibar

communication technology (ICT) has led to the flow of e-waste into developing countries that lack the capacity to handle hazardous materials (Magashi, 2011).

As a response to Article 11 of the Basel Convention, African countries are obligated to prevent the flow of hazardous substances into their countries. Otherwise, they will be victims of pollution colonialism. Under the Bamako Convention, which came into force in 1998, African countries agreed to ban the import or incineration of and not use ocean and inland water to dump hazardous waste, including radioactive waste.⁶ The Tanzania e-waste report of 2019 was the first report to describe the importation of e-waste. The report gathered data collected from authorities that directly relate to e-waste management. The institutions included the Tanzania Revenue Authority (TRA), the Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority, and the National Bureau of Statistics. Among the issues pointed out in the report is the lack of specific policies for e-waste operations (NBS & UNU, 2019).

E-waste in Tanzania can be traced from imported electronics devices, as I have shown above, to the export of metals extracted from e-waste. Tanzania does not have any factories that produce electronic devices. All types of electronic equipment found in the country are imported, so some of the metals exported are extracted from e-waste.

A second-hand TV retailer in Kinondoni explained that all his TVs come from the Middle East. His relatives in Dubai collect the devices and send containers through Zanzibar.

It is easier to receive containers through Zanzibar than through Dar es Salaam. This is because there is less cargo traffic, and customs are more flexible in Zanzibar. I also visited another second-hand electronic shop to buy a microwave and had a short conversation with the shop lady. She also pointed out that her devices arrive through the Zanzibar port.

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http://www.unep.org/explore-topics/environmental-rights-and-governance/what-we-do/meeting-international-These two examples provide insight into how vital Zanzibar is in importing used electronics. Even though laws and regulations are meant to control business between Zanzibar and mainland Tanzania, the loopholes are too big, to the extent that it is quotidian to import used electronics through Zanzibar (Keshodkar, 2014). Zanzibar is renowned as a market for second-hand electronic products and has more flexible policies regulating the importation or disposal of goods. There is no regulation of the quality or quantity of imports compared to mainland Tanzania. In Zanzibar, e-waste is treated the same as other forms of waste, opening up a legislative loophole for informal activities (Ntapanta, 2020). The main initiative to regulate e-waste in Zanzibar is through the Zanzibar Bureau of Standards, which has a special committee to keep an eye on waste electrical and electronic equipment (Jumbe, Issa, &

Carpenter, 2014).

Sources of e-waste can be understood from two angles. On the one hand, lack of proper e-waste policies, weak implementation of the Basel and other conventions, and high costs of managing, repairing, and recycling e-waste in developed countries have led to massive e-waste exports between and within regions, mainly from developed to less-developed countries (Lepawasky and McNabb 2010). On the other hand, low purchasing power, the desire for a

‘modern’ lifestyle, poor waste-handling infrastructure, lack of appropriate policies and regulations, and incapacitated regulatory authorities in most developing countries (Tanzania in particular), allow defunct electronic items to get dumped, donated, or resold. As I have shown, the origins of e-waste arriving in the Global South are often traceable.

In 2016, it was estimated that 595,109 containers were imported through the Dar es Salaam port alone. However, no segregated data shows how much e-waste or used electronic goods go through Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam ports. Available data from the TRA estimate that between June 2013 and June 2014, 940 tonnes of electrical and electronic equipment,

including TVs, refrigerators, cookers, ovens, radios, computers, air conditioners, printers, and photocopy machines, were imported through the Zanzibar port.

Triangulating this data with that from Stone Town Traders Ltd. (a group of electronics businesses in Unguja), it is estimated that electronics products make up approximately 5% of the total volume of Zanzibar imports. Stone Town Traders’ data gives an inflated figure of approximately 18,140 tonnes were imported during that period (Jumbe et al., 2014). In mainland Tanzania, imports of electrical and electronic equipment increased from 21,692 tonnes in 1998 to 47,504 tonnes in 2017 (NBS & UNU, 2019). The lack of comprehensive data from Tanzania authorities makes it difficult to know the exact amount of electric and electronic equipment imports in Tanzania. At the same time, the Tanzania Bureau of Standards estimates that electronics imports have increased from 2,000 tonnes in 1998 to 35,733 tonnes in 2017 (NBS & UNU, 2019). However, based on walking in Darajani market in Zanzibar or Kariakoo market in Dar es Salaam, or in other electronics markets, these estimated imports are much lower than the reality.

Most electronics imported to Tanzania come from China, Japan, Malaysia, the UAE, and the UK. So far, government efforts have focused on limiting the importation of counterfeit gadgets, specifically from China. China counterfeit products have taken over the electronic market in Tanzania to the extent they are called ‘mchina’(Chinese) (Ntapanta, 2020). With the wide spread of counterfeit gadgets, used devices come to be seen as more reliable and as offering some assurance that the gadget will not collapse in a short time (Keshodkar, 2014).

Available statistics show that household use of electronic devices has increased, as indicated in the last Population and Housing Census conducted in 2012. The census showed that, among Tanzanian households, 61.6% owned a radio, 63.9% owned mobile or landline phones, 15.6% owned a television, 10.0% owned electric irons, and 6.8% owned refrigerators.

On the other hand, data showed that only 2.7% owned computers or laptops, and 4.7% had

access to the internet (NBS, 2012). Ten years after the last census, we can imagine the changes in these numbers with the widespread use of electronics. Even though no concrete data shows the total amount of electronic waste in Tanzania, the guidelines for managing hazardous wastes from the vice president’s office estimate that between 18,000 and 33,000 tonnes are produced annually.