REFERENCES
(1) These groups use private donations to support full time
staffs of professionals to seek "public goods" of various kinds.
Such goods are available to everyone in society without exclusion and include such things as clean air, safer automobiles, a fairer income tax system. For a discussion of why people contribute to such groups when their individual contributions are relatively inconsequential and they could "free-ride" on the contributions of others see Mitchell, 1978b.
(2) The major work on these groups is Burton A. Weisbrod's Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis.
(3) One of the early manifestations of the conflict between natura
lists and professional resource managers was the difference of opinion in 1897 between Gifford Pinchot and Charles Sargent over the report of the National Forest Commission on which both served.
Sargent, who was professor of aboriculture at Harvard and one of the eminent of American experts on forests, was inclined to empha
size the preserving of forests, whereas Pinchot, the forester, desired the fullest legitimate use of their resources (McGeary,
1960: 38-43).
(4) Indeed, support_ for nuclear power by same environmentalists con
tinued into the early 1970s although it was seldom expressed with the kind of enthusiasm which Udall evidences in the quote at the beginning of this section. For a fascinating statement in support of nuclear power see Denovan, 1970.
(5) She sent her chapters to specialists in the field for review and drew on many scientific papers and reports, the full list of which takes up thirty pages in the paperback version of her book.
Although her attackers were many, the scientific errors in her book were relatively few (Graham, 1970:94).
(6) "Specialists representing various areas of the vast field of biology are contributing - entomologists, pathologists, gene
ticists, physiologists, biochemists, ecologists - all pouring their knowledge and their creative inspirations into the forma
tion of a new science of biotic controls" (Carson, 1962:245).
(7) For a perceptive review of Commoner's and Carson's place in the environmental movement which pays special attention to their role as scientists see Donald Fleming, "The New Conservation Movement"
(1972).
(8) In the late 1950s a group of Long Island citizens led by a well known ornithologist tried to obtain a court injunction against DDT local spraying, but despite appeals that went all the way to the Supreme Court, no relief was granted. The best short account of the court hattles on DDT in the 1960s is Primack and Von Hippel
(1974).
(9) The first involved a suit brought by environmentalists against the Federal Power Comrnission, Scenic Hudson v. FPC 354 F.2d 508 (2d Cir. 1965), cert. denied, 384 U.S. 941 (1966). The second land
mark standing case was Office of Comrnunication of the United Church of Christ v. FCC 359 F.2d 994 (D.C. Cir. 1966). This legal devel
opment played a very important role in the evolution of the United States environmental movement because it enabled the groups to challenge certain administrative actions. As a result, the views of the environmental groups are taken more seriously by government agencies than they otherwise might be.
(10) The environmental movement is very active at the state and local level in the United States. Two of the major national organiza
tions, the Sierra Club and the National Audubon Society, have a large number of active local chapters and groups, and the National Wildlife Federation has over one million affiliate members who belong to local organizations typically outdoor sports clubs -which are members of the Federation's state organizations. In addition there are numerous ad hoc groups of various kinds. This paper is primarily concerned with the national groups. It should be pointed out that local groups regularly draw on scientific expertise especially in siting controversies (Nelkin, 1975).
A major source of expertise are local university faculty.
(11) Meaning by this that they have added the second generation pro
blems to their agenda and maintain a Washington office some of whose professional staff actively seek to influence environmental policy. Lobbying in the strict sense is only one of the policy influencing techniques used by these groups and until the 1976 recent revision of the tax laws it was one which some of them were reluctant to employ for fear of losing their 501 c (3) non-profit tax status.
(12) It wasn't until 1952 that David Brower was hired by the Sierra Club as its first full time executive director. A decade later the first Sierra Club Washington office was established with one staffer. The major growth in the Club's Washington office occurred in 1972 when its staff expanded from two to its present seven to eight. Nationally the Sierra Club has a total of 85 full-time staff including support personnel. Friends of the Earth, with a far smaller membership, expanded its staff (including support personnel) from seventeen in 1972 to thirty-seven i 1977 (Mitchell and Davies, 1978:16-17).
(13) By scientists I refer principally to individuals trained at the Ph.D. level in physics, chemistry, biology, nuclear engineering, and those related scientific disciplines which are of greatest relevance to the second generation environmental problems. In June 1979 the new president of the National Audubon Society announ
ced that the Society will add several scientists to its staff in the near future.
(14) I inclucte economists in my discussion of scientists here and below because technical economics involves a level of specialized knowledge not easily acquired without advanced training and be
cause economic expertise is an ever increasing ingredient in the environmental policy debate.
(15) For a full discussion and critique of public participation in the administration policy process see Frank, Onek and Steinberg 1977.
(16) For an overview of policy issues as defined by a group of environ
mental leaders see the Task Force Report sponsored by the Rocke
fellers Brothers Fund, (Barney, 1977).
(17) If it isn't already apparent to the reader I should like to point out that in the interest of stylistic economy I often use "scien
tific" to refer to what might more properly be termed "scientific and technical".
(18) Here is an example of the production and use of data in the in
formal mode to gain media coverage for a point of view. James Flug is the director of Energy Action, a public interest consumer group. Recently he wrote a brief article in the Washington Post in the form of a diary of his activities for a week. The entry for Tuesday has him reading the morning papers: "Spell broken by Post, Times "spee" stories on the president's coming energy speech.
Both say a quick decontrol is centerpiece. We release a comment for stories on decontrol: "a fraud on the American people, huge price increases and no benefits." It's picked up by the wires and radio networks - two quickest avenues of public education. Wires and networks begin pressing for numbers. What will this cost the average family? Energy Action's one-man research department, Ed Rothschild, and I quickly come up with conservative figure: Oil decontrol alone will cost the aveerage family $270 more in first year. Figure hits wires, used on Cronkite with attribution, next morning on "Today" without attribution." The Washington Post, April 15, 1979, p. B.3.
(19) For an excellent elaboration of the differences between academic and policy research see Coleman, 1972 and also Revelle, 1975:1101.