Traders in the Valley

Textiles remained a concern for Pamour I’s descendants. Of the private letters that can be clearly attributed to Pamour III, Pekysis, and Philammon II (about 20 letters in all), at least 13 (i.e. 65%) contain terms used in relation to clothes or cloth-production.⁴⁵⁷ In fact, of the total letters and accounts in Coptic and Greek from the mid–late fourth century – 123 letters and accounts in all – 42% (52 pieces) contain terms relating to textiles.⁴⁵⁸ Both the Tehat circle and, to a certain degree, the Maria/Makarios circle were themselves involved with textile production and trade. I return to these two circles below (sections 6.2 and 6.3).

Psais II and Philammon II

By the time of the Pamour III generation, the family appears to have been primarily based in Aphrodito, where they owned a house (see pkgr.32) and, presumably, a warehouse. They continued to make frequent journeys back and forth between Oasis and Valley, a distance of between four and ten days.

The senior actors of the group were Psais II and Philammon II. Psais is often present as a representative in the Greek judicial documents, while Philammon is more visible in the letters, interacting with Pekysis and Pamour III. Starting with Philammon, we find that three letters by (pkc.80–82) and one memo to (pkc.114) him are preserved. His seniority is evident from pkc.82, where he writes concerning Pamour that ‘he is diligent, doing his work well, so much so that I said to him: “As long as you perform your work, nothing I do makes a loss”.’

457 The total includes pkgr.71–73, pkc.64–82 (excluding pkc.69, a contract, and pkc.74, whose contents are entirely lost). Of these the letters that concern textiles are pkgr.71–73; pkc.66; pkc.70–71; pkc.75–79; and pkc.81–82. The terms indicative of textile interest include terms that relate to cloth-production (ⲥⲱϩⲉ, ϩⲓⲥⲉ, ⲧⲉⲗⲟ, ⲉⲟⲩⲉⲛ), terms for material (ϣⲧⲓⲧ, ⲃⲏⲕⲉ, ⲥⲁⲣⲧ, ϫⲉϭⲉ, ϩⲱⲥ) and terms for products (ⲕⲗⲉϥⲧ, ⲡⲣⲉϣ, ⲣϣⲱⲛ, ϣⲁⲧ, ϣⲧⲏⲛ, ϩⲃⲁⲥ/ϩⲙⲁⲥ, ϩⲁⲓⲧⲉ, ϩⲏⲛⲉ, ⲥⲧⲣⲱⲙⲁ, ⲥⲧⲓⲭⲁ, ⲫⲟⲩⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲛ, ⲙⲫⲣ). Other letters probably concerned textile matters even though explicit terms are not preserved: parts of Pamour’s pkc.65 deals with jujubes, but a fragmented line mentions an ‘iron ring’ ([ϩⲁ]ⲗⲉⲕ ⲙ̄ⲃⲁⲛⲓⲡⲉ) probably related to the use of a loom. Gardner, Alcock, and Funk, CDT II, 51, pkc.65, ll.23–24n.

458 Excluding judicial texts, but including mostly illegible or lost texts, such as pkc.74, pkc.98, and pkc.121.

Removing the most fragmented pieces (22 texts) increases the percentage: of 101 pieces, 48 contain textile-terms (i.e. 47.5%). For the textile-terms and documents included in this list, see appendix B.

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(ll.33–36). Philammon’s biggest concern appears to be the Nile Valley, but he also shows concern for affairs in Kellis. Another letter of his gives a sense of the scale of his responsibilities (pkc.81). In an important passage, he writes an angry letter concerning some affairs involving Kapiton, which reads in the translation of Gardner, Alcock, and Funk:

ⲛ̄ⲉ̣ⲛⲟⲩϥ ⲉⲧⲁϥⲉⲓ ⲁⲕⲏⲙⲉ ⲁⲓ̈ϯ ϣⲁⲙⲛ̄ ⲧⲃⲁ ⲛⲉϥ ⲛ̄ⲧⲓⲙⲏ ⲛ̄ⲕⲏⲙⲉ ⲛ̄ϫ̣ⲏϭⲉ ⲁϥⲉⲓ̈ ⲙ̄ⲡϥ̄ϯ ⲗⲁⲩⲉ ⲛⲏⲓ̈‧ ϯⲛⲟⲩ ⲡⲉⲣ̣̄ⲙⲉⲣ ⲁⲣ̣ⲁϥ ⲟⲩⲛⲧⲉⲓ̈ ⲟⲩⲧⲃⲁ ⲙⲛ̄ ϫⲟⲩⲱⲧ ⲛ̄ϣⲉ ⲛ̄ϭⲛ̄ϭⲱⲣ ⲛ̄ⲧⲟⲧϥ ⲙⲁ̣ⲣⲉϥⲧⲉⲟⲩ ϩⲁ ϩⲃⲁⲥ ϥⲧⲛ︤ⲛⲁⲩⲥⲟⲩ ⲛⲏⲓ̈‧ ϯⲣ̄ⲙⲁⲓ̈ϩⲉ ϫⲉ ϥⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲁϩⲉ ⲉⲓⲥ ⲟⲩⲏⲣ ⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲁⲓ̈ϣ ⲛⲁⲛ̄ⲕⲉ ⲛ̄ⲧⲟⲧϥ̄ ⲙ̄ⲡϥ̄ⲡⲗϭ ⲡⲣⲟⲕⲟⲡⲧⲱⲛ ⲁⲃⲁⲗ ⲁϥⲉⲓ ⲁⲕⲏⲙⲉ ⲙⲁϫⲉϥ ϫⲉ ⲁϥⲉⲓ ⲁⲕ̣ⲗ̄ⲗⲉ ⲁϥⲧⲃⲃⲉ ⲡⲣⲟ ⲛ̄ⲧⲣⲓ ϩ̣ⲁ ⲁⲡⲟⲗⲗⲱⲛⲓ ⲡⲣ̄ⲙ̄ ⲛ̄ⲥⲓⲁⲩⲧ⳿ ⲁϥⲉⲓ ⲁϥϣⲉⲧ ⲛ̄ⲧⲃⲁ ⲥⲛⲉⲩ ⲛ̄ϭⲛ̄ϭⲱⲣ

…⁴⁵⁹ when he was in Egypt I paid him 30,000 at Egyptian price for dye. He has come and given me nothing. Now take care of him. I am owed 12,000 talents by him: Let him pay for cloth he sends to me! I am astonished that he has been in the Oasis such a long time, and my things are with him; and yet he has not accomplished any kind of progress.

When he came to Egypt he said that he had been in Kellis and sealed (?) the door of the store for Apolloni, the Assiut man. He came and demanded of me 20,000 talents. (pkc.81, ll.16–35)

It appears that Philammon has supplied Kapiton with money (as a loan?) in order to purchase dye or, perhaps, to make dyed clothes in the Oasis,⁴⁶⁰ which Kapiton instead has proceeded to squander.⁴⁶¹ Still, the sums Philammon mentions are sizable, in terms of everyday expenses.⁴⁶² In another letter, he orders Theognostos to get money from ‘father’ Psais (presumably Psais II) in order to pay someone to make clothes and send him (pkc.82, ll.20–

23). He seems to be primarily based in the Nile Valley, at least at this stage, while others arranged the production of clothes in the Oasis.

Psais II seems to have been Philammon’s senior in turn.⁴⁶³ Philammon calls him ‘father’

(pkc.82), as does Psais Tryphanes (pkgr.50), who himself was part of the senior group (he is called ‘father’ by Pekysis in pkc.78). Psais II often represented the family in the preserved

459 An expression (ⲛ̄ⲉⲛⲟⲩϥ) probably to be translated ‘successfully’, ‘well’; see Ariel Shisha-Halevy, review of Coptic Documentary Texts from Kellis Volume 2. P. Kellis VII, by Gardner, Alcock, and Funk, Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes (2016): 273. Could it indicate that Philammon is stressing that he did in fact give Kapiton the money, contesting a claim by Kapiton that he did not?

460 Considering Kapiton’s travels back to the Oasis, and that the rest of the passage is concerned with his failure to produce clothes. From pkc.103, it appears that ϫⲏϭⲉ (‘dye’) at times could be used for the dyed wool itself, see Gardner, Alcock, and Funk, CDT II, 199., pkc.103, ll.8–11n.

461 The significance of Kapiton ‘sealing’ the storehouse (ⲣⲓⲉ) of Apolloni is unfortunately obscure. A link between Apolloni and father Pollon, who kept an item for Theognostos in letter pkc.83 (both linked to some sort of

‘storage’ for Philammon/Theognostos), is perhaps possible. For the resolution of Pollon as Apollon, see Gardner, Alcock, and Funk, CDT I, 40.

462 30 000 T. amount to ca. 4 solidi, 20 000 T. to 2.6 solidi, using the prices from the 360s. See section 7.4 for a more detailed assessment.

463 For the Greek documents pertaining to Psais II, see section 3.2.1.

judicial texts. In one letter, Pamour complains about his father having dispatched Kapiton to retrieve money from a sale of jujubes that had gone sour (pkc.65), implying that Psais II was to receive the income from Pamour’s earnings. He was also important for the settling of terms (of a contract?) (pkc.77, pkc.108), and responsible for paying wages to or purchasing clothes from Psais III (pkc.108).⁴⁶⁴ In the only Coptic letter clearly attributable to him, he writes his sons Pamour and Pekysis concerning a payment he settled on their behalf, and berates them for mismanaging affairs in the Oasis (pkc.110, ll.18–29).

However, neither Philammon II nor Psais II were limited to management; they are both found ferrying textiles between Valley and Oasis on behalf of others (for which Psais is once found receiving payment), and Philammon probably had the ‘official’ occupational title camel driver (see section 7.2). Camel driving may have been one of the primary occupations of the family, considering the frequency of their travels. On the one hand, this may highlight the relative importance of camel drivers to Oasis society, where mediation between the Valley and the Oasis was highly valued (section 2.1.3). The family did not have to restrict itself to leading caravans, but could involve itself directly in production and sale of clothes. On the other, it also indicates the mid-stratum position of the Pamour family, whose leading members were not distant ‘lords’, but directly involved with day-to-day business.

Pamour III, Pekysis, and Maria II

Much work nonetheless fell to the sons of Psais II. Pamour III was, it would seem, the elder and the first to leave for the Nile Valley: he is the main recipient of pkc.110, where Psais II bids him ‘take care of your brothers who are with you’ (l.44tr). Pamour III himself asserts leadership in a letter to Psais III, writing: ‘So, now, my brother Pshai, are matters as I handed them over to you when you left me’ (pkc.72, ll.12–14). Pamour settles accounts and disburses Psais III for expenses in pkc.72 (ll.19–23) and in pkc.64 (ll.15–17).⁴⁶⁵ While he was, as quoted from the

464 The identification of Psais II in pkc.108 relies on the appearance of Hapia. This name is only otherwise attested in pkc.77, which may similarly deal with wages (see pkc.77, ll.20–25). Although the identification of Psais II in pkc.108 is plausible, it is not entirely clear that Psais was the subject in the following discussion of wages (ll.21–

30).

465 For this understanding of the latter passage, see the comments in Gardner, Alcock, and Funk, CDT II, 46, pkc.64, ll.15–17n.

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letter of Philammon above (pkc.82), tutored in the trade by Philammon, Pamour himself took charge of the education of younger traders from Kellis, evinced by a letter to him from Psais Tryphanes (pkgr.73).

While Pamour is the primary recipient of pkc.110, his father addresses Pekysis in a side-discussion concerning payments (ll.4–10). Pekysis’ own letters are extensively concerned with textiles, and in particular the purchase of wool and dye. While in the Oasis, Pekysis complains that Pamour, who is in the Nile Valley, has not provided him with purple dye, and requests dye and coloured wool (pkgr.72, ll.28–33). Pekysis took the task of procuring wool and dye quite seriously when he got to the Valley himself. He is remarkably often concerned with these goods, which occur in almost all of his letters.⁴⁶⁶ His interest in these raw materials can perhaps in part be explained by himself having been trained as a weaver, evident from pkc.103, where Pamour III (the presumed author) asks him to cut a garment ‘by your own hand’ (l.21). The same passage could imply that Pamour worked with textiles himself, as he says that he will have the wool spun at his place. However, his wife Maria II is often the one who is concerned with textiles in his letters: she requests several items for a loom from Psais III (pkgr.71), and sent dye to her ‘sister’ – likely her sister-in-law, Partheni (pkc.65). Spinning was largely considered a female occupation in antiquity. It seems probable that Maria II – or the ‘girl’, possibly a slave, Jnapollo (pkc.64) – did most of the spinning, although we cannot exclude that Pamour, like Pekysis, at times engaged in weaving.

Pamour and Pekysis are both found travelling down the Nile on business, at least from Aphrodito to Antinoopolis and Hermopolis. A passage in a letter by Matthaios indicates that these travels involved selling garments (pkc.26). I treat the unfortunately meagre sources dealing with retail in section 7.3, but it is appropriate to give a sense of the role the brothers played here. A passage from the sixth-century Digest could provide a model for understanding their activity. In a discussion concerning liability and the definition of ‘business agent’, the author notes that: ‘but it has also seemed reasonable to give the name of business-agent to the people to whom clothes-dealers and linen-merchants give clothing to be carried round and disposed of – the people that we colloquially call travelling vendors [circitores].’⁴⁶⁷ It may

466 See pkc.75 (ll.7–18), pkc.76 (ll.21–30), pkc.78 (ll.v41–45), pkc.79 (ll.30–44); see also pkc.96 (ll.33–35).

467 Ulp. Dig. 14.3.5.4–5, cited and translated in Horden and Purcell, The corrupting sea, 359–60.

be that Pamour III and Pekysis made the rounds from town to town – or at least to major cities, such as Hermopolis and Antinoopolis – as ‘business agents’ or travelling vendors (circitores), on behalf of Psais II and Philammon II, perhaps as part of their apprenticeship.

They were not the only Kellites involved with textile business in the Nile valley. From the letters to and from these brothers we get glimpses of numerous colleagues and associates active in the Nile Valley, such as Antinou and Papnoute (pkc.78), Tithoes (pkc.72), and Tryphanes (pkgr.73). These appear largely to be associates, not ‘employees’ or agents. More prominent in the letters, however, are their recipients; the people who organised work back in the Oasis.