How Oslo engages the world globally : a study of Oslo’s involvement in transnational city networks on climate and environment

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Master’s Thesis 2021 30 ECTS Faculty of Landscape and Society

How Oslo Engages the World Globally:

A study of Oslo’s involvement in

transnational city networks on climate and environment

Tuva Kristin Jansen

MSc International Relations

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ii The Department of International Environment and Development Studies, Noragric, is the international gateway for the Norwegian University of Life Sciences (NMBU). Eight departments, associated research institutions and the Norwegian College of Veterinary Medicine in Oslo. Established in 1986, Noragric’s contribution to international development lies in the interface between research, education (Bachelor, Master and PhD programmes) and assignments.

The Noragric Master theses are the final theses submitted by students in order to fulfil the requirements under the Noragric Master programme ‘International Environmental Studies’,

‘International Development Studies’ and ‘International Relations’.

The findings in this thesis do not necessarily reflect the views of Noragric. Extracts from this publication may only be reproduced after prior consultation with the author and on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation contact Noragric.

Noragric Department of International Environment and Development Studies P.O. Box 5003 N-1432 Ås Norway

Tel.: +47 64 96 52 00 Fax: +47 64 96 52 01 Internet: http://www.nmbu.no/noragric

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Acknowledgements

First, I would like to thank everyone that participated, and thus contributed greatly, as informants in this project. Thank you for taking the time to share your experiences and thoughts with me. If it had not been for your important contributions, this thesis would not have been possible.

I also wish to thank my supervisor Kirsti Stuvøy, who has provided invaluable feedback.

Thank you for being patient with me during this process.

Finally, I wish to thank my family and friends who have supported me through this project.

Thank you Karoline, Vilde and Kaia, for making my time at NMBU rememberable. A special thank you to Didrik, who has supported me with great patience through times of frustration.

Any errors are mine alone.

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Abstract

Cities are increasingly gaining interest as an object of study within the field of International Relations. While cities are not new, they have for long been overlooked within the field of international relations. However, cities are currently gaining prominence as international actors.

Whether it is issues related to economic growth, migration or climate change, cities are gradually cooperating with each other through multilateral platforms.

This thesis is concerned with providing a comprehensive understanding of Oslo’s role in contemporary transnational city networks. As part of transnational city networks such as Eurocities and Local Governments for Sustainability (ICLEI), Oslo has gained international recognition on its work concerning climate change and green innovation. By incorporating the concept city diplomacy to encapsulate the activities of cities on the international arena, this thesis asks the following research question: How does Oslo do diplomacy?

Six Norwegian experts currently working on a municipal, ministerial, and academic level are interviewed in order to examine Oslo’s network participation. The findings of this study argue that Oslo’s international involvement in city networks root in specific purposes, which in turn reflects how Oslo engages in different city networks. As such, Oslo utilizes different networks for different purposes, whereof experience and knowledge-sharing concerning green policies play an important role. Moreover, suggestion are made that Oslo utilizes international cooperation for gaining increased legitimacy domestically.

Keywords: city networks; city diplomacy, municipalities, climate; environment

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Acronyms and Abbreviations

C40 C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group CCS Carbon Capture Storage

CNCA Carbon Neutral Cities Alliance ICLEI Local Governments for Sustainability LO Norwegian Confederation of Trade Unions MFA Ministry of Foreign Affairs

NHO Confederation of Norwegian Enterprise NOK Norwegian Krone

PPP Purchasing Power Parity SSB Statistics Norway

UN United Nation

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& Tsouros, 2017). One example of such global challenges is climate change, (Acuto, 2010), and one such example of a city generating initiatives towards environmental sustainability is Oslo. As part of transnational city networks such as Eurocities and Local Governments for Sustainability (ICLEI), Oslo has gained international recognition on its work concerning climate change and green innovation (Green Capital 2019, n.d.). Moreover, Oslo enjoys the status as an Innovator City in the global city network C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group (C40). In order to become an Innovator City in C40, cities must have shown an ability to conduct barrier-breaking climate work, as well as show leadership in terms of environmental sustainability (C40, 2012)¹.

This puts Oslo in the midst of a global trend in which cities increasingly have become global actors. Whether it is issues related to economic growth, migration or climate change, cities are gradually cooperating with each other through multilateral platforms (Acuto et al., 2018).

These multilateral platforms represent the institutionalization of city-to-city cooperation, namely city networks. Through practical forms of inter-municipal cooperation, city networks have attained an increasing presence on the international stage (Acuto, Morissette & Tsouros, 2017, p. 14). Emerging issues such as climate change, migration and human rights have in turn spurred these city networks to actively respond to many of the same challenges as states and supranational institutions (Acuto, 2010, p. 435). Today, a very essential part of city networking activities can be justly described as city diplomacy (Acuto & Rayner, 2016, p. 1148).

These contemporary global cities, as well as city networks, challenge the traditional state- centric framework of mainstream International Relations² (IR), thereby also the Westphalian system of sovereignty (Acuto, 2010, p. 429). Nevertheless, IR is equipped with a set of theoretical frameworks that can contribute to the mapping of wider implications that follow when introducing global cities (Curtis, 2008, p. 211).

1 For cities with a population under three million.

2 International Relations (IR) is in this thesis referred to as an academic discipline, whilst international relations

ascribe to the global web of relations between political actors.

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2 This thesis is concerned with providing a comprehensive understanding of Oslo’s role in contemporary transnational city networks. With this aim, the empirical phenomenon of interest in this thesis is the study of the local city government of Oslo, and how it in various ways takes part in the conduct of international relations through transnational city networks. Drawing on concepts such as sovereignty, power and autonomy, this thesis highlights central issues defining IR in the 21st century. What enhances the relevance of this study is not only the increasing prominence of city diplomacy in IR, but also the unexplored role of Oslo’s participation in city networks. This is identified as a gap in literature. Although there has been undertaken comprehensive studies of contemporary cities and their networking activities, Oslo is, to my knowledge, still awaiting its inclusion.

In this thesis, I analyze how experts on a municipal, ministerial, and academic level understands and experiences Oslo’s involvement in transnational city networks on the thematic area climate and environment. By incorporating the concept city diplomacy to encapsulate the activities of cities on the international arena, this thesis asks the following research question: How does Oslo do diplomacy?

To answer this research question, this thesis draws upon six Norwegian experts’ experiences and understandings concerning Oslo’s participation in transnational city networks. The scope of this thesis is set to focus on Oslo’s work on climate and environment through transnational city networks. The experts interviewed in this research contribute with special expertise from a municipal, ministerial, and academic level. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a contribution to the increasing body of literature on cities and transnational networks in International Relations by highlighting in-depth perspectives.

1.1. Structure of thesis

Following this introductory chapter, chapter two outlines the theoretical framework of this thesis. This chapter addresses the role of cities as global actors. I devote a central part of this chapter to examine the mechanisms that have empowered cities during the last few decades, thus contextualizing the city’s role as an international actor on the international arena. In chapter three, I discuss the research strategy employed for this thesis. The chapter addresses the case study and the use of semi-structured interviews. In chapter four, I defend and contextualize the research question guiding this thesis by highlighting Oslo’s broad

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3 involvement in transnational city networks, and the strategies that guide Oslo’s international cooperation. Chapter five is devoted to present and analyze the findings that derive from the interviews conducted with Norwegian experts concerning Oslo’s involvement in

transnational city networks. As such, this chapter combines analysis and discussion. The final chapter, chapter six, will conclude this thesis by highlighting the discussion included in the previous chapter.

2. The city as a global actor

In this thesis, I seek to explore how Oslo does diplomacy. This is investigated by emphasizing Norwegian practitioners’ understandings and experiences concerning Oslo and its participation in transnational city networks. The purpose of this chapter is to present and situate the city within the broader debate of actors in international relations. As such, this literature review seeks to serve as a basis for how Oslo and its participation in transnational city networks can be approached as a case of examination.

The structure of this chapter will follow a chronological development of cities wi. This chapter is initiated with the advent of global cities. Here, Sassen (1991) and her seminal book Global Cities is an important contribution. The structure is set to follow the theoretical development of global cities, moving from a node of flows in the global economy to a global actor, acquiring political capabilities. This is an important development in light of this thesis’ study, as it enables the city to be regarded an actor on the international arena. The work of Curtis (2016) will be particularly relevant when discussing this development. Turning over to city diplomacy as a concept for encapsulating the international activities of cities, van der Pluijm and Melissen (2007) will be particularly emphasized.

2.1. Turning the focus to cities

Simon Curtis wrote in his Doctoral Dissertation in 2008 that twenty-three cities were estimated to house more than ten million people in 2020 (p. 10). In 2018, the United Nations (UN) reported that thirty-three cities were currently housing ten million people (United Nationa, 2018, p. 2). The twentieth century represented an exceptional urbanisation, where large numbers of people left rural areas and moved to cities (Curtis, 2008, p. 10).

Cities in general, and more particularly the growing literature on global cities, has until recent decades attracted little attention from IR scholars. Instead, IR has for long concentrated its perspective on a world where cities are viewed as a part of national urban systems, and where

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4 the states are the only legitimate players on the international stage (Curtis, 2008, p. 16). I now turn to theoretical contributions and analytical foundations that highlight the increasing political, social and economic activities of cities. The body of literature that focuses on the global city in international relations draws upon urban studies.

2.2. Introducing Global Cities

The purpose of this thesis is to explore Oslo’s involvement in transnational city networks. This involves studying the city (Oslo) as an actor in, and not just a place of, city networking.

Therefore, this theoretical framework will emphasize the capabilities and functions of cities that make it possible for cities to be actors in/through city networks. In order to do this, I initiate this chapter by drawing on important theoretical contributions that transpired during the 1980s and onwards. This is because examining the mechanisms that have empowered cities during the last few decades can make us understand the significance of these new capabilities and function for global politics (Curtis, 2014, p. 2).

Cities worldwide experienced an increased role in the global economy, following its restructuring during the 1970s. The fall of the post-war “Bretton Woods” system led to the growing roots of a broad neoliberal system. This in turn generated a new economic environment, spurring larger private firms to operate from central business districts such as in New York, London or Hong Kong (Curtis & Acuto, 2018, pp. 9-10). As a response to these structural changes that took place in the 1970s, the literature on global cities emerged (Curtis, 2008, p. 9).

It was John Friedman who first linked urban change to the emergence of the global economy.

In his book on the World City Hypothesis, Friedman attempts to organize the study of world cities by investigating how cities can be hierarchically arranged according to their position in the spatialisation of the global economy (Kangas, 2017, p. 539). What this means, is that those cities that were deemed operational as nodes of global capital would receive a higher ranking in Friedman’s dynamic hierarchy. In this sense, Friedman’s theory situated a very competitive milieu. While Friedman’s theory was criticised for prompting a competitive anxiety amongst cities (Kangas, 2017, p. 539), he nonetheless contributed to bring the international into the analysis of world cities in urban studies (Curtis, 2016b, pp. 63-64).

This would lay the groundwork for the theorization of “global cities”. Saskia Sassen made the term famous in her seminal book Global Cities from 1991. Some scholars argue that global cities have always been a feature of the international system (Curtis, 2016a, p. 456). However,

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5 the point of Sassen’s terming was to name a difference. This difference is by Sassen construed as “the specificity of the global as it gets structured in the contemporary period” (Sassen, 2005, p. 28). In other words, the term denotes the restructuring of the global economy and the changes it brought upon the urban fabric. As such, it distinguished itself from the term “world city” that was employed by Friedman, which referred to a city that had been existent for centuries. Sassen (1991) argues that the neoliberal economic structure has played a vital role in creating a scattered and decentralized global economic system. A such system requires central command nodes that can systemize the increased capital flows, thus introducing global cities. Sassen’s analysis is a way of making sense of the emergence of the city as an actor in global politics.

But the focus in her argument was dominantly on the rise of the particular global city. This city was a node in the global political economy, serving the state within the globalizing economy.

Brenner (1998) points out that the argument of Sassen (1991) presupposes the state as relatively statist, remaining an unchanged background structure. For Brenner, the formation of the global city is construed within a state rescaling and can be read as “dialectically intertwined moments of a single dynamic of global capitalist restructuring” (1998, p. 1). The point of Brenner’s argument here, is the paradox where the state is partly involved in the territorial rescaling, while simultaneously restrained by it. As such, globalization and the globalizing economy that Sassen speaks of, is argued to reterritorialize the state scale as well. Global cities are thus not to be conceived as urban nodes within stagnant systems of state power and cities, according to Brenner (1998).

The contributions made by Sassen (1991) and Brenner (1998) yield useful theoretical insight as to how global cities came to be. Nevertheless, this thesis seeks to move beyond the global economy and explore the political role that cities have encountered in international relations.

Thus, I turn to Curtis (2016a).

Curtis applauds the fields of Urban Studies and Political Geography for their extensive studies on the dynamics of urban transformation, in turn developing theoretical frameworks of the changes to the material form of cities. However, such literature is argued to be lacking central geo-political and geo-historical perspectives. By applying an IR perspective to global cities, the lack of political analysis can be revealed. Curtis argues that only then one can “fully understand the implications of global cities for global politics” (Curtis, 2016a, p. 467). Curtis points to three historic developments that have caused a transformational shift in the international political order. This shift has contributed to significant change, moving from a global order rooted in a society of states, to a diffuse global order where non-state actors operate

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6 at different scales. It is in this global order that global cities become key nodal points in global city networks and acquire capabilities as actors within the politics of global governance (2016a, p. 467). In order to substantiate his point of argument, Curtis illuminates three specific examples for the transformation of urban form and international order: the rise of the US as a hegemon; technological change; and the crises of statism. The American victory in the Cold War spurred an extension of the liberal order, which Curtis argues as vital in providing the conditions for global cities to emerge as actors. Additionally, technological developments during the latter 20^th century have provided global cities with characteristics that jump scales, linking fragments of the global space in new ways. Lastly, the emergence of global cities may be seen as a response to the substantially centralized control over economic and political activities by states during the past two centuries (pp. 468-472).

Another central notion emerging in literature to explain the increasing capabilities of cities is the recognition of how states and the inter-state system has struggled to deal with transnational challenges. This has led to the saying “while nations talk, cities act”, iterated by several federal state mayors (Curtis & Acuto, 2018, p. 12). The current inter-state system, Chan states, is facing challenges in combatting today’s global issues (Chan, 2016, p. 134). These issues range from climate change, migration, pollution, economic well-being to safety (Acuto et al., 2018, p. 2).

State-to-state dialogues thereby often fall into what Chan terms as “gridlocks”, meaning that little outcome is yielded from global cooperation between states. Without the sovereign obligations that states face, cities have the ability to focus on own specific projects. By setting aside socio-political constraints, municipal offices can together create effective means towards solving common problems (Chan, 2016, p. 141). What we can draw from this then, is that when cities embark on solving problems in urban areas through international cooperation, they engage in global politics in a path separate from the sovereign state.

Ylönen (2016, p. 3) argues that a pool of comparative research has emerged in the attempt of building upon Sassen’s terming of the concept. For instance, Calder and de Freytas introduce the “global political city” (2009, p. 80). According to Calder and de Freytas (2009), global political cities can be illustrated through three key elements: 1) Being a policy hub, which involves exercising disparate influence on debates of global policy, 2) encompassing a political diplomatic community, where official and non-official actors shape global affairs through dense networks, and 3) being a strategic information complex, encompassing important information concerning political, military as security affairs (Calder & de Freytas, 2009, p. 81).

However, their concept has received criticism for doing little to theorize the city’s agency.

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7 Acuto points to limitations in Calder and de Freytas’ (2009) term. Rather than illustrating the exertion of political influence, he argues that the scholars describe the global city as a milieu where political influence is compiled (Acuto, 2009, p. 175).

Curtis formulates that “one of the key tensions that remains in this formulation is the question of whether global cities refer to a particular class or set of cities, or whether globalising processes effect all cities in similar ways: whether, in effect, all cities are globalising cities”

(Curtis, 2011, p. 1932). Curtis here points to Taylor (2007) in order to reflect upon this ontological issue. Taylor (2007) recognizes that during the process of globalization, all cities and urban regions respond to similar pressures. A central belief that is entrenched in Taylor’s work is that cities should not simply be recognized as bounded places. As they are comprised by various ongoing flows, these flows being driven by globalization, they should also be viewed as ongoing places.

Drawing inspiration from Taylor (2007) and Curtis (2011), I find that the term globalizing reflects a general characteristic of contemporary urban centres, in line with Bouteligier (2013, p. 149). As such, I approach cities in this thesis as globalizing cities. By conceptualizing Oslo as a globalizing city in this thesis, I approach globalization idiosyncratically. This means that I pay attention to other globalization processes than the economic dimension, such as social and political. I also then acknowledge that cities may experience a different intensity of globalization.

As such, this framework has so far illustrated how Sassen’s (1991) framing of the global city has been crucial for the further literary expansion of the city as an actor independently of the state. However, as noted, this thesis seeks to move beyond the economic dimensions. Calder and de Freytas point out that while “the comparative assessment of the social and economic dimension of global cities” conducted by Sassen (1991) as well as her followers have provided crucial contributions, the systematic analysis of global cities’ political functions have remained underdeveloped (Calder & de Freytas, 2009, p. 80).

2.3. City diplomacy as a concept for encapsulating the international activity of cities The literary contributions that have been included so far in this chapter have emphasized how a restructuring of the global economic system due to contemporary globalization has led to cities acquiring new social, economic and political capacities. The concept of city diplomacy has been developed as a way of understanding and referring to the increased activity by cities on the international arena and will also serve as the analytical concept for this thesis’ study. In

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8 this sub-chapter, city networks are included as a part of the city diplomacy framework. Towards the end of the sub-chapter, limitations to city diplomacy and city networks will be illuminated.

The rise of city diplomacy is not merely about sub-state politics alone. Rather, it is an indication of a structural shift in the fundamentals of the international city, powered by those factors that in sub-chapter 2.2. have been identified as drivers for the formation of the global city (Curtis

& Acuto, 2018). The term “city diplomacy” has been applied to different forms for international action conducted by local city governments. For instance, Musch, van der Valk, Sizoo and Tajbakhsh term city diplomacy as “the involvement of local governments in peacebuilding” (2008, p. 8). A different conceptualization is provided by Van der Pluijm and Melissen (2007). The two scholars conducted a pilot study during the latter 2006 with the aim of finding a theoretical basis for the diplomatic developments that were taking place at a city and local governmental level. On the basis of their pilot study, city diplomacy was conceptualized as “the institutions and processes by which cities engage in relations with actors on an international political stage with the aim of representing themselves and their interests to one another” (van der Pluijm & Melissen, 2007, p. 11). Through this definition, van der Pluijm and Melissen (2007) allow for the inclusion of interests and representation, thus moving the focus beyond the focus of peacebuilding, as termed by Musch et al. (2008). Therefore, this thesis will follow the definition provided by van der Pluijm & Melissen (2007). Van der Pluijm and Melissen’s (2007) study is largely based on interviews with actors involved in what they define as city diplomacy. The study presents the experiences and understandings of actors with either direct relations to, or great knowledge of Dutch municipalities and their international involvement. As this thesis’ study seeks to explain how Oslo does diplomacy through transnational city networks by highlighting experts’ experiences and understandings, van der Pluijm and Melissen’s (2007) study serves as a valuable contribution for this thesis in terms of methodology.

The definition presented by Van der Pluijm and Melissen (2007) regards city diplomacy as a decentralized form of the management of international relations, where cities are key actors.

For the purpose of this thesis, I follow cities as sub-national governments. This will reflect the study of Oslo, where I recognize Oslo as a globalizing city, governed by a sub-national government. On behalf of their city, the local government engages in international relations through city networks.

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9 Van der Pluijm and Melissen (2007) emphasize that cities can engage on the international stage in two different ways: through two-sided city diplomacy, or multiple-sided city diplomacy.

Two-sided diplomatic processes involve two parties, where at least one is a city representative, while multi-sided diplomacy however involves three or more parties, representing various cities. Larger city networks such as Eurocities and C40 often represent one such party in multi- sided diplomatic processes (2007, p. 12). As such, the relational aspect is central to city diplomacy. The scholars illuminate six different dimensions of city diplomacy. These dimensions represent a) culture, b) development, c) economy, d) representation, e) networks, and f) security. The scholars do however urge that these dimensions are not exclusive, and that a city’s diplomacy in practice will not be confined within solely one dimension.

Today, a very essential part of city networking activities can be justly described as city diplomacy (Acuto & Rayner, 2016, p. 1148). This thesis seeks to highlight the “actor”

dimension of the city by examining Oslo’s involvement in transnational city networks. This is done by highlighting Oslo as an actor in, and not just a place of, city networking, as I mentioned in sub-chapter 2.2. Thus, city networks are an important aspect to study. This thesis will thus particularly emphasize the networking dimension of city diplomacy.

From existing literature on city networks, I identify that a key driver for the increasing influence of cities on the global stage is linked to urgent issues such as transnational terrorism, financial regulation and climate change. This is because the international community of states have been struggling to efficiently govern this complexity, as argued by Chan (2016) in sub-chapter 2.2.

Martinez-Diaz and Woods (2009) illustrate such a link by arguing that city networks “mainly emerge as a reaction to (perceived) shortcomings of other governance structures” (as cited in Bouteligier, 2013a, p. 2). Similarly, Curtis and Acuto (2018, p. 10) argue that cities offer new possibilities for the 21^st century. By coming together in transnational networks, cities have extended a political assemblage that can partake in the work against transnational issues. This notion made by Curtis and Acuto (2018) contributes to substantiate cities as actors in contemporary global affairs. In similar fashion, Acuto and Rayner state the following: “the extent and persistence over the past two decades of the development of city networks give a clear sign that cities are indeed participants in the architecture of world politics” (2016, p.

1147). Cities are present in world politics, taking on roles in form of lobbying, cooperating, and connecting. This is increasingly being done through city networks (Acuto & Rayner, 2016).

Acuto argues that assemblages of cities can equally “become capable of exercising influence

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10 on world affairs like many other international organizations more commonly investigated in IR” (2013, p. 838).

There are currently more than 200 active city networks, and approximately 50 per cent of them are international (Klaus, 2020, p. 2). A marked growth in city-to-city diplomatic initiatives is identified during the last two decades, where the number of active networks grew from 65 in 1985, to nearly the double within the 21^st century. This number reached 200 by 2009 (Curtis &

Acuto, 2018, p. 11). As such, city networks have experienced a rapid increase during the last two decades. What I draw from this, is that cities see a clear value of participating in city networks. This notion spurs the question of why cities recognize city networks as important.

Thus, I turn to the functions of city networks.

A key function of city networks is their role as a platform for sharing information, aimed at strengthening local initiatives of member cities (Bouteligier, 2013; Acuto, Morissette &

Tsouros, 2017). City networks also provide an arena where cities can share best practices (Gordon & Johnson, 2018, p. 35). Moreover, there is identified a shared understanding amongst scholars in interdisciplinary literature, recognizing city networks as a primary function for bringing cities and international actors together (Kern & Bulkeley, 2009; Curtis, 2016b; Curtis

& Acuto, 2018). For instance, Curtis and Acuto (2018, p. 11) highlight how cities extend their impact on the global stage through global networks by creating direct links with transnational corporations, NGOs and also the UN system. The C40 network is particularly highlighted in this setting. In this way, cities increasingly extend their impact from economic to political governance (Curtis & Acuto, 2018).

Curtis and Acuto (2018) identify city networks as political assemblages where cities’ political objectives come to show. These political objectives are argued to represent the foreign policy of cities. However, the scholars underscore that cities’ foreign policies are distinguished from sovereign forms of power. Instead, the foreign policy of cities relies largely on what they define as network power (Curtis & Acuto, 2018, p. 8). This involves the ability to assemble and guide coalitions of actors towards particular governance outcomes.

Van der Pluijm and Melissen (2007) also bring up the notion of cities’ foreign policies. They present the foreign policy of cities and states in a common context, thus leading to a “vertical disintegration” (p. 13). This means that foreign policy is neither created nor executed on one single level. Central to van der Pluijm and Melissen’s argument then, is that even though the city acquires political capabilities and is internationally involved, it’s exertion of foreign policy

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11 would still be regarded on a vertical level below the foreign policy of the state. In their study, they do however find that the municipality of Amsterdam amongst other cities, comply with the understanding that local international policy should be in line with international policies of embassies and ministries (2007, p. 13).

More recent developments within city diplomacy literature have been the increased recognition of mayoral characteristics, and their central role in city diplomacy. Kangas (2017) argues that to speak of cities as actors, thereby referring to their political pursuits and their strategic positioning internationally, is a figure of speech. This contributes to obscure those who govern in the name of the city. Klaus (2020) concurs with focusing on cities’ mayors. He argues that the mayor is the greatest driver for city diplomacy, and thereby crucial for engaging in city networking.

It should be noted that city networks do not solely exist in form of transnational characters. For instance, the Key Cities group has gathered 26 municipalities, and work alongside other subnational groupings of British cities within national boundaries (Acuto & Rayner, 2016, p.

1151). In this thesis, the focus will lie on city networks that transcend national borders, as the purpose is to explore Oslo’s international involvement in city networks. As such, I follow Gordon & Johnson’s use of the term transnational city networks, highlighting them as networks

“operating at the interstices of urban and global governance, building bridges across national borders between city governments and a variety of other actors, and aiming to engender coordinated actions that produce meaningful collective effects” (2018, p. 39). I employ this terminology as it enables me to focus on Oslo’s involvement in city networks that are not confined within national borders.

Van der Pluijm and Melissen (2007) argue on the basis of their findings that cities are increasingly moving away from idealism and towards pragmatism, where local governments increasingly are reasoning from a practical and economic point of view. For instance, they find that cities are increasingly moving away from twinning-projects, and towards multi-sided diplomacy. Another interesting aspect they note within the diplomatic game is the practice of city branding. This, they explain, is seen as “the notion of applying business marketing models to cities and positioning cities as a brand that sparks various positive associations” (Parkerson

& Saunders, 2005, p. 242-244, as cited in van der Pluijm & Melissen, 2007, p. 25). However, despite cities turning towards a pragmatic nature, the scholars emphasized that city diplomacy at this point was still in its infancy (van der Pluijm & Melissen, 2007, p. 34). There were

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12 identified struggles as to establishing an effective way of cooperation between the city, state, and international organizations in areas where interests overlapped. Moreover, it was found that city diplomacy was still largely concentrated towards short term projects, which the scholars regard as a limitation.

Due to rapid urbanization, cities have become central components of urging climate issues, as they contribute with high levels of emissions (Gordon & Johnson, 2018). Bouteligier (2013, p.

2) argues that cities have become increasingly important in generating initiatives towards environmental sustainability through city networks. As such, cities do not remain solely a source for environmental degradation. I argue that Bouteligier through her argument highlights a self-awareness amongst cities, realizing own capabilities for global action. Curtis also highlights that cities do not need permission from states to take action on climate change or security (2016b, p. 170). As such, he concurs with Bouteligier, highlighting the agency of cities.

However, Sam Tabory (2017) would most likely concur to this notion, as he identifies a tendency for city diplomacy to overlook urban differences, also in terms of a city’s own agency within the frames of the sovereign state. Tabory identifies three broad areas that remain under- discussed in city diplomacy literature. These areas are a) differences in mayoral attitudes concerning the city’s role on the international arena, b) differences in political influence and resources, and c) differences in nationally established norms of governance and political principles (Tabory, 2017). Central to Tabory’s critique is the notion of urban differences. Not all cities have access to the same resources, not all cities are represented by the same political clout, and not all cities are focusing their international engagement based on the same needs (2017, p. 15). Moreover, the discussions of such differences matter because the increased urban engagement and city diplomacy require local governments to make the conscious decision to mobilize resources for international engagement. For a city leader to mobilize such resources, he or she must recognize a value in such an engagement.

Acuto & Leffel (2017, p. 9) emphasize that a common mistake is to think of the phenomenon of city diplomacy as a force trying to undermine or replace the nation-state. Instead, they argue that city diplomacy is utilised to fill the gaps left by state failure. Examples are This is concurred by Klaus (2020). While city networks eagerly attempt to acquire a stronger position internationally, thereby being able to influence governing processes, he emphasizes that a fundamental aspect of city diplomacy can be summed up in one sentence: “it seeks to improve

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13 and evolve the international system rather than to radically reshape it” (Klaus, 2020, p. 5).

Turning more specifically to city networks, Bulkeley and Betsill (2003) argue that city networks have for long depended on motivations and self-pervasiveness of cities in order to generate active engagement. This means that city networks are vulnerable for political fluctuations as an example.

Curtis and Acuto (2018) distinguish between the power cities acquire through city networks with the form of power in the traditional model of the sovereign state. They emphasize that in practise, the city’s influence is shared with other actors and peers, and therefore never stabilized. However, in the view of Curtis and Acuto, this is not a bad thing. They point to Mikael Román and his notion of how cities now are governing “from the middle” (2018, p.

13). Central to Román’s (2010) term is that cities are not inherently bound by higher politics between states. Neither are they “bottom-up or NGO-like actors contra some often misleading accounts that equate cities to private entities” (as cited in Curtis & Acuto, 2018, p. 13). As such, cities are empowered by this position.

Moreover, “city networks for global environmental governance seem to perform well in terms of output, but less in terms of outcome and impact” (Bouteligier, 2013, p. 155). Bouteligier finds that while city networks, particularly on environmental governance, may produce substantial initiatives on environmental governance, they fall short in terms of results.

Moreover, she emphasizes how some networks produce unequal power hierarchies as discrepancies between the Global North and Global South (Bouteligier, 2013, p. 128),

In this sub-chapter, I have provided an overview over contemporary debates concerning city networks, and discussed weaknesses identified within the framework of city diplomacy. In order to contextualize city networks further, I draw on two examples of networks that have become prominent on climate and environment. I include these two as they are relevant for the thematic area that is the focus of this thesis.

2.5.1. Examples of city networks

One of the most evident examples of the increasing prominence of cities in global policy agendas may be the Cities Climate Leadership Group, also referred to as C40 (Acuto & Rayner, 2016, p. 1147). C40 represents a thematic city network, which involves municipal action on one specific sector, in this case climate and environment (Grandi, 2020, p. 13). The C40 was created on initiative from current mayor at the time Ken Livingstone together with his deputy Nicky Gavron in 2005. Livingstone argued during a two-day World Cities Leadership and

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14 Climate Summit for cities’ practical action on the ground as a way to effectively deliver on urban-focused climate initiatives. During this summit, the original banner of “C20” cities was first commenced, focusing on urban governance through coordinated effort and exchanging expertise. The network would further develop to what we now know as C40 (Acuto, 2013, p.

840). Acuto identifies a two-folded rationale behind the creation of the network: the positioning of cities as central agents of climate politics as well as the role of the network to become a catalyst for innovative initiatives (2013, p. 840). Furthermore, he emphasizes that the global cities of C40 have a very influential positioning concerning environmental governance, if not global (p. 849). By being recognized as an active component of the collective effort in fighting climate change, the network offers a change for the involved cities to enhance their international legitimacy (p. 850). As such, Acuto understands the network as important not only as an arena the city is an actor in, but it also provides legitimacy to the city internationally.

However, C40 and its prominence as a global network on climate and environment has also led scholars to recognize limitations. Curtis (2016b) has directed criticism towards their upholding of what he identifies as a neoliberal discourse. Central to his argument is that C40’s goals and activities “remain well within the discursive space of the neoliberal discourse; they frame their solutions in the language and philosophy of markets, offering technocratic agendas, partnering with private foundations and multinational corporations” (Curtis, 2016b, p. 118). In other words, Curtis regards the agendas of C40 as only relevant for an “elite of experts” on climate and environment. In this way, an unbalance is created where the policies may be relevant for some metropolises than others. Bulkeley et al. (2009) shares this critique. While the network promotes leading efforts for mitigating climate change amongst cities, the network also focuses on “on the development of specific ‘clubs’ of cities which can gain privileged access to information, funding and project implementation, in return for specific actions” (p. 26)

While C40 represents a thematic city network, as previously mentioned, there also exists multipurpose networks. One such network is Eurocities. A multipurpose network does not have a specific sector. Rather, it focuses on several sectors, often through different working groups (Grandi, 2020, p. 13). Eurocities was founded in 1989, and started out as a group of only six cities. These were referred to as second cities, which meant that they were second in the hierarchy of a country’s cities after the capital (Niederhafner, 2013). Today, the network consists of 190 cities (Eurocities, n.d.), and has thus rapidly increased. The main policy goals of Eurocities is addressed through three major fields; climate, inclusion and economy. In terms of structure, Eurocities seeks to promote the international cooperation of cities by providing

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15 forums and working groups. As such, the network offers cities a platform for knowledge- sharing and the exchange of ideas. Additionally, a goal is to “shape the opinions of Brussels stakeholders and ultimately shift the focus of EU legislation in a way which allows city governments to tackle strategic challenges at local level” (Niederhafner, 2013, p. 10).

As this thesis’ focus of study is how Oslo does diplomacy through city networks, this sub- chapter contributes to map the strengths of international city networks, as well as limitations.

These aspects provide contextual significance for analyzing how Norwegian experts experience and understand Oslo’s role in city networks.

2.4. Renegotiating the relationship between states and cities in international relations

With the increasing impact cities are attaining on the global stage, alone as well through formalized city networks, the relationship between the state and city is problematized. The new role of cities has offered a renegotiation of this relationship, in turn spurring academic discussions. For the sum of this thesis, two central paths of discussions are highlighted in order to contextualize the relationship between the city (as a diplomatic actor on the global stage) and the state (as a traditional diplomatic party). By engaging in existing literature on the subject, the state/sub-state dichotomy can be mainly summarized to follow two different developments: a) a zero-sum outset of spatial scales that lead to the declining power of the territorial state, and b) a historical evolvement of transformative changes for both the territorial state and the sub-nation character.

Rooted within the first perspective we find scholars such as Sassen (1991) and Barber (2013).

Sassen (1991) argues that the loss of state power creates opportunities for other types of power to emerge, namely sub-national power. In her opinion then, the city does not forcibly claim power. Instead, it replaces the state as the main power holder when given the opportunity. (mer her). Barber similarly identifies the failed state as a reason for cities’ increasing role. By introducing new democratic bodies in the form of municipal units, local participation is accelerated, filling the existent gap between citizens and the state. Thus, Barber encourages the renaissance of urban life, advocating for a “parliament of mayors” (kilde). Se Curtisa p. 456 Although acquiring the city as a new and needed actor, it is argued that the state will not stand by and watch the city “escape the gravitational pull of their sovereign mother ship” (Barber, 2013, p. 11). By this, Barber then implies that even though the nation-state and city may find

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16 ways of collaboration with one another, the city will always be viewed as the subsidiaries of national sovereignty by the state.

Opposing the notion of the state and city in a zero-sum relationship, we find scholarly contributions by Sending and Neumann (2006), and Curtis (2016a). Sending and Neumann incorporate their argument as a critique towards studies of global governance. They emphasize that a typical claim in such studies is that “the state has lost power to nonstate actors and that political authority is increasingly institutionalized in spheres not controlled by states” (Sending

& Neumann, 2006, p. 651). The scholars argue that global governance studies highlight the power of nonstate actors at the expense of the state’s power. In sum,this creates a “zero-sum conception of power where an increase in the power and influence of nonstate actors is ipso facto defined as a simultaneous reduction in state power” (Sending & Neumann, 2006, p. 652).

In order to grasp the role of nonstate actors, Neumann and Sending call for an approach where specific relations between nonstate and state actors, as well as the processes of governance, are accounted for. By incorporating the Foucauldian concept of governmentality, the scholars offer a different perspective. Thus, by studying global governance through the lens of

“governmentality”, this enables government rationalities to be studied in light of power as a changing logic or rationality of government.

Curtis contributes to this dichotomy by rooting the discussion in the context of __. As cities acquire new autonomy and abilities, these are not substituting, neither challenging the agency of states. Rather, both are supported as well as limited by state power (Curtis, 2016a, p. 466).

In other words, the rise of cities does not necessarily entail the fall of the state. Rather, the transformation in which cities are becoming actively involved in international affairs must be regarded as the state adapting to a milieu where a bygone reiteration of the state is taking new form (Curtis, 2016a, p. 456). In this sense, the empowerment that cities increasingly experience forms as a result of state rescaling strategies. While Curtis (2016a) views the city and state as historically bound actors, he does however not exclude the possibility of serious tensions arising between cities and states. As cities increase their authority, power and legitimacy, the state as a traditional possessor of such qualities may find such alterations difficult to retrain (p.

457). Having reviewed these two conceptualisations of the state/non-state dichotomy, it provides a useful overview of how the discourse between state and non-state actors has evolved.

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17 Cities are actively engaging in international relations, largely represented through city networks. This chapter has reviewed relevant literature on cities’ increasing political involvement in international relations and outlined the theoretical perspectives underpinning this thesis.

3. Methodology

This chapter seeks to justify the methodological choices made in the study of Oslo’s involvement in international city networks. The chapter will first outline and defend the choice of the qualitative case study approach. Following this, sampling methods, data collection and interview methods will be accounted for. Lastly, own reflections upon the chosen research approach are included, bringing about topics such as ethical considerations and limitations of the study.

3.1. The qualitative case study

This thesis aims to empirically examine the phenomenon of city participation in transnational city networks. This is done by highlighting and analyzing the experiences and understandings of Norwegian experts concerning Oslo’s involvement in transnational city networks on climate and environment. I made the choice of interviewing experts as I believed they could offer unique insights and nuances concerning Oslo’s involvement in transnational city networks.

Therefore, this thesis applies a qualitative research method. The qualitative method is desirable when the research seeks to understand subjective experiences, meanings, opinions and perspectives linked to a phenomenon from a small group of individuals (Brockington &

Sullivan, 2003).

This research question guiding this thesis, as first presented in Chapter 1, asks how Oslo does diplomacy. As such, this thesis focuses on answering a “how” question. This makes the case study an appropriate research method. As Yin (2018, pp. 43-44) argues, the case study is most suitable when asking “why” and “how” questions about events taking place in a contemporary context. In this study, the phenomenon studied is Oslo’s involvement in transnational city networks. This phenomenon is studied in the context of Oslo. I chose to focus on Oslo and its involvement in transnational city networks because of its prominent work on climate and environment. This also led to the choice of focusing solely on this thematic area. This allowed me to go into depth on an issue that is very relevant in contemporary global politics, and that has spurred cities to actively engage on the global stage, amongst other reasons. Moreover, this research employs an interpretive approach. The reason I employ the interpretive approach is

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18 connected to the aim of understanding Oslo’s involvement in transnational city networks through the understandings and experiences of Norwegian experts. As such, interviews are employed as a method for collecting data.

In order to identify informants for this study, I mainly applied purposive sampling. Snowball sampling occurred as well as a result of one of the six interviews, where I was directly referred to another expert. Five of the six interviewees were sampled through purposive sampling, which involves “particular settings, persons, or activities are selected deliberately to provide information that is particularly relevant to your questions and goals, and that can’t be gotten as well from other choices” (Maxwell, 2013, p. 97). This was useful for identifying informants in reference to the research question guiding this thesis. The experts interviewed were eager to assist in identifying other possible informants for this study. However, in both of the cases, the informants would refer me to an expert that I had already been in touch with or attempted to come in touch with.

3.2. Conducting the interviews

Qualitative interviews have the “purpose of obtaining descriptions of the life world of the interviewee in order to interpret the meaning of the described phenomena” (Brinkmann &

Kvale, 2015, p. 6). The experts I interviewed for this thesis’ study are the main units of this analysis. This means that the answers provided by these experts are the primary data of study.

I have interviewed five individuals who have special expertise connected to a municipal or ministerial level. Two of these five experts had affiliations in one way or another to both a municipal as well as a ministerial level. I assessed this to be a strength, as they could provide reflections from two perspectives. In addition to these five experts, I interviewed one expert working within a research institution. Prior to the interviews and sampling, I identified that a central challenge would be to get in touch with experts. I experienced however, that the experts interviewed for this study generously offered their time to contribute. For this, I am very grateful.

For this study, semi-structured interviews were undertaken. Semi-structured interviews can be conducted in different ways, depending on the level of formality. One can conduct the interview as a survey where open-ended questions are used, often found effective for interviews with government officials as an example. However, for more ethnographic interviews, this can be found too distant, reducing the dialogue (Gallagher, 2013, p. 193). Even though my

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19 interviews were not ethnographic of nature, I attempted to create an atmosphere where the interview would proceed as a conversation. The interviews followed an interview guide, which had been developed prior to initiating the interviews. This guide was developed based on the literature I had reviewed, and in dialogue with my supervisor. While the interview guide followed a similar structure in all six interviews, small adjustments were made along the way.

I would attempt to adapt some of the questions to the specific context of the informant’s area of expertise. The purpose of this was to create a concrete context for the interview, where the informants would be able to share their experiences and understanding in light of their different backgrounds. Small changes were also made due to new topics highlighted by the experts.

The interview guide, regardless of the small alterations made along the way, focused mainly on three topics. The first topic sought to function as an introductory stage. I found it most helpful initiating the interview with a simple question such as “What are your experiences with Oslo’s international work” or “What do you know about Oslo’s international involvement in city networks?” depending on the interviewee’s background. This allowed the interviewee to set the nature of the interview. Thus, the respondents’ experiences were illuminated through their own words. The second part of the interview was concentrated towards how the informant perceived the city as an international actor. In this part, questions concerning the relationship between the state and city would also be illuminated. The latter part of the interview guide would inquire how the informant either imagined Oslo’s way forward and its role in city networks, or if the informant was aware of any specific plans for Oslo in the near future.

I would also ask follow-up questions based on the informants’ reflections. Gallagher (2013, p.

193) argues that if the interviewee is very professional and distant, this needs to be respected by gathering the data as efficient as possible. I did not experience any of the interviewees being distant. However, I was aware that some of the interviewees had a tight time schedule. This may have affected the nature of the interview somewhat, as I did not wish to prolong the interview and may have remained more attached to the interview guide.

The interviews were conducted in August and September of 2020. While all the experts I reached out to work in Oslo, only two of the interviews were conducted in person. Due to the Covid-19 pandemic, I respected as well as anticipated that some of the interviewees might want to avoid meeting in person. Therefore, I informed the informants when reaching out to them that an online interview would also be possible. Three of the six interviews were therefore conducted through the video meeting platform Microsoft Teams, whilst one was

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20 completed as a phone call. Jacobsen (2015, p. 243) notes that the context in which the

interview is conducted can affect the results that derive from it. Looking back at the interviews, I understand the interviews conducted in person as more relaxed, opposed to those conducted by phone or video calls. I also noted that these interviews lasted longer than the four others and acknowledge that the setting might have been a contributing factor.

3.3. Analyzing the interviews

All the interviews were recorded, following an oral consent from the experts. This gave me the opportunity to gather greater amounts of information compared to solely taking notes.

However, some notes were also taken during the interviews. This was done as a precaution in case there would be malfunctions with the recorder, as Bryman recognizes as a possible risk (2016, p. 481). The recordings were later transcribed manually, and not through an online transcription program. I wanted to be sure that the interviews were transcribed in detail. I do not have any experience with such programs, and therefore I felt safe transcribing the interviews manually. The transcriptions allowed me to systemically analyze the interviews.

The interviews were conducted and transcribed in Norwegian. This means that when quotes from the informants have been included in this thesis, they are translated to English.

Prior to conducting the interviews, I feared that the interviews conducted by phone and Microsoft Teams would provide poor audio recordings, as I recorded from my phone, which again recorded the audio from either the phone I was speaking through or through the computer speakers. However, the recordings were surprisingly clear, and this was therefore not a problem. The audio recordings were transferred right away as the interview was ended to a USB-drive. I deleted the recordings immediately from my phone. I did this to protect the rights of the informants.

The interviews lasted from approximately 40 to 90 minutes. The transcriptions generated a great amount of data material, on average 20-30 pages per interview. In terms of analyzing the transcriptions, I found that the semi-structured interviews made it challenging to compare the findings. This is because many different themes emerged, based on the experts’ reflections and understandings. As such, the process of analyzing the findings was very time consuming. I acknowledge that my lack of experience as a researcher, and therefore also with analyzing qualitative semi-structured interviews, might have made this a greater challenge for me.

However, I will also argue that semi-structured interviews represent a strength for the thesis, as this type of interview method allows for contestations, nuances and underlying dynamics to emerge.

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21 In order to identify the emerging themes, I would print out the transcriptions of the interview, and coded the themes according to different colors. I found it challenging to know what I was looking for, as different understandings of cities’ involvements in city networks emerged. I initiated the process by noting which themes would recur. As such, I sought these to be of importance to the experts. Following this, I would note which emerging themes or notions that would stand in contrast, in order to identify whether there were any contestations present. This process resulted in many different codes, where some would merge into each other, and others would be dismissed as I found them to be less significant for this study. This led me to develop codes that in great similarity reflect the structure of Chapter 5.

As mentioned, I would tailor the interview slightly according to the expert being interviewed.

This also led to differences emerging from the interviews, which possibly also made the analyzation process more challenging. Again, I also regard this as a strength regardless of the challenges, as the aim of this study has been to highlight nuances.

3.4. Reflections concerning own research

This thesis does not aim to have external validity. This is because the conclusions that derive from this study are based on own experiences and understandings of the experts interviewed for this research, as well as my interpretations of these statements (Gerring, 2006). This thesis seeks to provide a contribution to the growing literature on city diplomacy by providing in- depth understandings and experiences.

When searching for rich data, as one attempts through conducting in-depth interviews, the emergence of ethical challenges surfaces. Thus, there are certain ethical principles that must be taken into consideration. Within the field of social research, one can locate a certain range of issues that revolve in literature (Silverman, 2017; Yin, 2018). Following Diener and Crandall (1978), as included in Bryman (2016), the principles have usefully been broken down to those of harm, lack of informed consent, invasion of privacy and deception.

Harm towards informants can involve different scenarios, such as physical harm; loss of self- esteem; stress; as well as harm to a participant’s development (Diener & Crandall, 1978, p. 19).

When reaching out to informants for this thesis’ research, I was aware that this was done during a time where most people returned to work after the summer holidays. Additionally, I was aware that due to the Covid-19 pandemic, this could mean that the experts especially on a municipal and ministerial level might have a very hectic schedule with a lot of unexpected turns. Thus, I had to keep in mind that the informants would be facing busy time schedules. In

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22 order to avoid creating stress, I reached out to the informants by mail, asking if they would be willing to contribute to my research through an interview, instead of calling them and possibly coming off as too persistent.

Invasion of privacy can be linked to the previous one as well, namely informed consent. The notion of informed consent is given on the basis of the respondent being given detailed information about the research. Thus, he or she acknowledges that the right to privacy has been yielded for the domain in mention (Bryman, 2016, p. 131). Putting this into practise; a respondent can refuse to answer certain questions during an interview if he or she would feel that the question involves inquiring their own private matters. Such issues may involve religion, sexual preferences and income (Bryman, 2016, p. 132). I did not experience any such issues.

However, two informants wished to receive the questionnaire prior to the interview. I identified this in terms that I had possibly had not provided the experts with enough information, as they did not know what to expect. Additionally, many of the questions asked during the interviews for this thesis’ research are based on the informant’s experiences with a certain issue. With this in mind, I sought to not create the interview to be too specific on the experts themselves, but to focus on their area of expertise and their understandings and experiences that came from this.

4 Oslo and the international

In this chapter, I present the strategies that underpin and guide Oslo Municipality’s

international involvement. The purpose of this chapter is to further highlight the case study’s relevance in relation to the research question guiding this thesis. This chapter will

additionally contextualize the research question in light of theoretical contributions within the framework of city diplomacy, as included in sub-chapter 2.3.

4.1. The international relations of Oslo

Oslo Municipality is structured following a parliamentarian system. In practice, the implementation of a parliamentary system involves the strengthening of political autonomy at the expense of the administrative. The administrative body of the municipality can nevertheless have substantial impact on the Municipality’s politics. However, the parliamentarian model involves strengthening the city’s political latitude (Norwegian Government, 2015). This means

How Oslo engages the world globally : a study of Oslo’s involvement in transnational city networks on climate and environment