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Analyzing the first hypothesis, I find that the division outlined by among other Bindman (2015) between economic and social rights, and civic and political rights, is highly relevant also in the case of environmental organizations. The organizations are careful in the way they pursue certain issues, and they underline the importance of having personal contacts in the sphere. The same discovery is made in analyzing the second hypothesis, where the divide is set between patriotic and unpatriotic contention. The relations are here found to depend somewhat on the Western affiliations and foreign funding, most notably through the implications of the law on foreign agents. Nevertheless, the interplay is shown to be much more complex and depends much more on interaction through formal structures and informal structures in an interdependent relationship between state and NGOs.

The analysis of the third hypothesis shows that the government makes use of the organizations, and that this relationship is far more important than the limitations implemented through the legislation surrounding NGOs. The data shows that the formal opportunities offered by the authorities, are both limited and encouraged. This paints a picture of a dualistic Russian state, offering formal opportunities to the NGOs for the governments benefit, but still trying to limit the full influence the organizations may provide. Furthermore, analyzing the fourth hypothesis, the data shows that there are existing formal opportunities for influence. The formal structures where NGOs are included, are to a certain extent utilized by the organizations. Even though the opinions differ as to what use some of the formal

structures have, the well-established organizations are shown to use the structures to their benefit. Organizations seeking influence, have also discovered the usefulness of establishing relationships and lay the foundations for becoming established partners.

The additional results discovered through extensive interviews also gives the impression of a sector that keeps renewing, and that seeks a larger goal in establishing a well-developed civil sphere outside of formal organizations. The mobilization of citizens to fight for their own constitutional rights gives hope for a sector under pressure, in addition to their formal opportunities. This is not necessarily the same contentious claims that could be seen through the protests previously mentioned in the introduction, but more of a manifestation of civil society activity outside formal organizations. Neither is it necessarily a sign of a struggle for democracy. But it might imply a sector that is more intent on cooperation to reach their goals,

69 and a sphere of civil society that is engaging and mobilizing rather than staying purely

professional and elitist.

The examples show that this unorganized civil society, through contact with the formal organizations, also learns to make use of the formal opportunities as they present themselves today, be it the legal system, petitions, or in addressing government officials directly. The conclusions drawn by for example Howard (2002) after the dissolution of the USSR was that Russian civil society remained weak, a conclusion that was supported by the organizational membership statistics. This development goes to show that membership statistics might not be sufficient measure for civil society development.

The analysis shows that the framework of consensual contestation and theory on hybrid regimes are fruitful theories for assessing the implications of governance for the hybrid regime that Russia has evolved into. As Cheskin and March highlight, this framework views social movements as “political claim-making within a specific…political regime” and not as a part of a “wider struggle for democratization” (Cheskin and March 2015, 265). The theory is advantageous in describing the complex interplay between NGOs and the Russian

government today, without making the assumption that civil society activity and contestation is purely a sign of struggle for democratic development.

70

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Appendix