Power in Environmental Politics

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Power in Environmental Politics

A Case Study of “Greener Trondheim”

Emma Bersvendsen

Master’s thesis in Development, Environment and Cultural Change

Centre for Development and Environment UNIVERSITY OF OSLO

15.05.2018

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Power in Environmental Politics

A Case Study of “Greener Trondheim”

Emma Bersvendsen

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Power in Environmental Politics: A case study of “Greener Trondheim”

http://www.duo.uio.no/

Trykk: Reprosentralen, University of Oslo

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Abstract

This case study aims at answering the research question: “Have there been a

mobilisation of power in the organisation of Greener Trondheim? And in what ways can recent changes in the organisation exemplify a centralisation of power in Norwegian environmental politics?” The thesis investigates the working years (2008-2018) of the policy package and organisation of Greener Trondheim, in relation to three different concepts of power. This in order to understand how the organisation has changed over the years in regards to its overall agenda, institutional structure, and future prospects, as a result of different forms of power influence.

The study´s research question will be answered through the use of a self- developed analytical framework, which combines three well-established theories on power. These theories, have in the analytical framework been divided into three

‘levels’ of analysis, where one theory makes up a structural power concept, one an institutional power concept, and one a relational power concept. This has been done in order to gain an insightful understanding into different forms of power that influence how the organisation has developed, and influences what direction this development is taking. The study is mainly built on empirical material collected through qualitative interviews. However, this have been supplemented with analysis of multiple governing documents, public meeting records, written agreements and relevant statistics.

What the thesis concludes with is that there is a mobilisation of both structural-, institutional-, and relational forms of power in the organisation. The different ‘levels’ of power pulls in a direction of a centralisation in the case of Greener Trondheim. At the structural ‘level’ it has been pointed out as an increased nationalised focus of the organisational agenda, contrary to the local perspective that used to dominate. At the institutional ‘level’, it relates to institutional changes that have the effect of furthering national determined targets. Furthermore, at the relational ‘level’, the mobilisation becomes clear when the nationally determined targets results in increased influence and control over the local initiative of Greener Trondheim.

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Acknowledgements

This thesis would not have been possible to complete without the help and eagerness to share shown by my informants. I would like to direct the most sincere thank you, to every informant, for taking the time out of your day to contribute into making this case study a reality.

I would in turn, also like to thank my trusted supervisor, Desmond McNeill. You have challenged me, helped me, and provided strong guidance that has served to better the finished result, so I thank you. Moreover, to the inspiring community at SUM, which have allowed me to follow my scientific curiosity, and given me valued support for two whole years, I thank you all. I am confident that every student

following me will appreciate your work as much as I have.

Furthermore, to the Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research. I would like to thank you all for seeing potential in my research and providing me with an office space and allowing me to take advantage of your valuable knowledge within the field. I have felt at home at NIBR, and you have all welcomed me warmly, thank you.

To my family, thank you for believing in me. Thank you for being proud of every small and big achievement throughout this process. I now look forward to spending more time with you all.

Finally, to my partner, semi-supervisor, counsellor and every other role that you have served as over the course of this year. You more or less know my thesis as well as I do, and I thank you for listening, for helping, for being patient and for being loving.

Even though you have your own thesis to write, you still took the time to help me gather my thoughts. A simple thank you is not enough.

To everyone involved, thank you ever so much.

Centre for Development and Environment, May 2018 Emma Bersvendsen

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List of Maps, Timelines and Figures

MAP I:COUNTY OF TRØNDELAG ...17

MAP II:INNER-CITY ROAD-NETWORK ...21

TIMELINE I:STRUCTURAL POWER ...70

TIMELINE II:INSTITUTIONAL POWER ...80

TIMELINE III:RELATIONAL POWER ...99

TIMELINE IV:MOBILISATION OF POWER ... 113

ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK 1:POWER INFLUENCES ...67

ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK 2:POWER INFLUENCES (POST ANALYSIS) ... 114

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List of abbreviations and acronyms

Ap: Labour Party (NO: Arbeiderpartiet)

CE agreement: City Environment Agreement (NO: Bymiljøavtale) CG agreement: City Growth Agreement (NO: Byvekstavtale)

FrP: Progress Party (NO: Fremskritts Partiet)

H: Conservative Party (NO: Høyre)

KrF: Christian Democratic Party (NO: Kristlig Folkeparti)

MdG: Green Party (NO: Miljøpartiet De Grønne)

NTP: National Transport Plan (NO: Nasjonal Transportplan)

PP: Policy Package (NO: Bypakke)

R: Red Party (NO: Rødt)

RP-system: Reward-Payment System (NO: Belønningsordning)

Sp: Centre Party (NO:Senterpartiet)

SV: Socialist Left Party (NO:Sosialistisk Venstre Parti) UNEP: United Nations Environmental Programme

V: The Liberal Party (NO:Venstre)

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1 Introduction

Policy packages (PP) have become increasingly favoured as a way of conducting city infrastructure development directed towards climate gas emissions reductions in Norway (Tønnesen 2015). A PP is a collection of various measures, or different approaches directed at the same goal (ibid.). In the Norwegian city of Trondheim, the organisation of Greener Trondheim, or ´Miljøpakken´ in Norwegian, is such a PP, aiming at reducing emissions from private car use and improving city environment.

The organisation was founded in 2008, and is the primary focus of this thesis.

It has become popular to study PPs in Norway and cities associated with them, and that includes Greener Trondheim and the city of Trondheim (Bysveen 2014, Millstein, Orderud, Hanssen, and Stokstad 2016, Næss, Hansson, Richardson, and Tennøy 2013, Tønnesen 2015, Visnes 2012). The research revolves around everything from the State´s role in PPs, to case studies conducted on the individual PPs in the country, political legitimation of their purpose, and comparative studies amongst the largest city areas in the country. This thesis has partly taken inspiration from this prior work on PPs in Norway, especially in regards to the case of

Trondheim, which I was first introduced to by being born there, and academically through a previous master’s thesis on the subject (Visnes 2012). The second source of inspiration is from Millstein´s et al.´s (2016) work on mapping out the State´s role in regards to City Environment Agreements and sustainable city development.

PPs are becoming one of the leading ways in which the largest Norwegian city areas conduct and organise mitigation efforts, thus being anchored in highly important issues in Norway today, and I wanted to explore the actual organisation in Trondheim. Previous work on the field has focused on City Environment

Agreements between the State and the municipalities and county authorities (Millstein et al. 2016) and on the political rhetoric and legitimation (Visnes 2012).

However, my interest lies within the organisation, and I wanted to explore the institutional aspects of a PP, their organisational structure, how they change, and the implications of their very framework. From my informants I learnt a lot about Greener Trondheim, both in regards to its history, and its future. I learnt that quite significant changes had taken place in the organisation at different times during their ten-year existence, and I wanted to understand why, how and to what end.

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After fieldwork a second primary source of inspiration surfaced, theories about power. I have always had a fascination with the power concept, and that it never stops challenging the researcher when it comes to the phenomenon that we experience every day, and shapes our everyday lives. In addition, when it comes to power, there is no shortage of literature on the subject. There are substantial, comprehensive and grand theories on power, that differ in multiple ways, and this too, I find intriguing. In addition, there was one previous master’s thesis that opened my eyes and made it possible for me to see how my empirical data could be

understood in relation to theories on power (Vetrhus 2015). The thesis in question uses different concepts of power applied to a different case; however, I deem it as a turning point in my thinking, because it allowed me to start viewing my empirical material in various power perspectives, which I had not done previously. I had some years prior read Steven Lukes´ book Power: A Radical View (2005) at bachelor level;

and after fieldwork it was time to read this book again. After becoming familiar with the work of Robert Dahl (1957, reprinted in Scott (eds.) 1994, 1961) and Peter Bachrach and Morton Baratz´s perspective on power (1970, 1963, 1962), as well as various other perspectives on power (Bourdieu 1996, Clegg 1989, Dowding 1996, Foucault 1994, Gramsci 1971, Weber 1975), I focused my attention on those that Lukes coined as the `three dimensions of power` (Bachrach and Baratz 1970, Dahl 1994(1957), Lukes 2005). This because I found some form understanding of my data, and how the organisation of Greener Trondheim has evolved over the years through the use of all three perspectives on power. By using the three theories, I was able to better understand the issue of centralisation in relation to local environmental policy and organisation. By exploiting the three theories´ individual strengths I managed to gain knowledge about different ‘levels’ of power, that all seemed to mobilise in a direction toward an increased centralised focus and influence in the organisation of Greener Trondheim.

The three theories have different understandings on power and how it functions in society; and have risen from different ideological perspectives.

However, I have started from the premise that all of the three forms of power may be present, in promoting centralisation. However, as my analytical framework will come to illustrate, the three theories are related with different ‘levels’ of analysis. In this thesis, I have chosen to move away from Lukes´ terminology the ‘three dimensions

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3 of power’ and applied my own terminology. In this thesis, Lukes´ theory will relate to, what I have termed a structural ‘level’, on the basis that Lukes´ theory focuses on dominant ideas and values that shape and form preferences of all actors. Bachrach and Baratz´s theory will focus on an institutional ‘level’, the organisational

framework, and changes made to it in order to reinforce certain preferences. Finally, Dahl´s theory, is concerned with a relational ‘level’, and provides insight into more visible change and strategic action toward increased influence in order to impose certain preferences. Together these theories can create understanding of the changes taking place in the organisation, both in light of their individual strengths, as well as on different ‘levels’ that influence the organisation of Greener Trondheim.

There is no grand theory on power, no all-encompassing theory that is

generally agreed upon. Nor is there even a common ground as to what power is, what influence is, what force is, and what manipulation is. Regardless of what each of these theories views to be the gold nugget out of the pebbles in our strainers, I would urge the reader to look at the process of change in Greener Trondheim that this thesis sheds light on. Moreover, focus on how these different forms of power seems to mobilise in a direction that results in increased national influence and control over the local initiative of Greener Trondheim.

1.1 Purpose of Research and Research Question

The first and foremost purpose of this research is to create understanding around one PP in Norway, how it functions and has changed over time due to various forms of influence. This entails an analysis of the power structures that exists and evolves in the organisation of Greener Trondheim. I will set out to explore how dominant political premises influence and shape local/regional organisation. By exploring this angle, I am hoping to create a sense of awareness around different forms of power influence, and illustrate how this can be argued to have observable outcomes in society.

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The thesis will seek to answer one research question

"Have there been a mobilisation of power in the organisation of Greener

Trondheim? And in what ways can recent changes in the organisation exemplify a centralisation of power in Norwegian environmental politics?"

I intend to answer this research question by exploring and discussing three different themes, one theme for each part of the analysis. The themes will reflect the analytical framework developed for this thesis, and is divided into a structural-, institutional-, and relational- ‘level’ of analysis.

The first theme, which will be handled in the first part of chapter four, will be to explore to what extent national political emphasis on green economy has

influenced the agenda of Greener Trondheim and how changes in national political emphasis has impacted the Greener Trondheim agenda over the ten-year period in focus. In order to explore this subject I will draw on Steven Lukes´ (2005) theory on power, as I, for the sake of clarifying my ‘levels’ of analysis and the theoretical differences, have chosen to address as a structural conceptualisation of power, that sees power as ideology and dominant perceptions of reality. Central to this

conceptualisation is that dominant perceptions of reality, certain values, norms and ideas on how to solve issues, are viewed to establish frameworks or structures that shapes the space for potential action and outcomes of these actions, by influencing and determining actors wants and desires (Lukes 2005:27). These hegemonic structures shape and form the preferences of people in society. By looking at the agenda of Greener Trondheim I will get a sense of what the actors deem as their foremost priorities, and this theme will analyse if and how these priorities have been influenced and/or changed.

As noted, Lukes´ conceptualisation of power is viewed in this thesis to influence and determine actors´ interest and preferences, and when moving on through the analysis this understanding of Lukes´ structural theory will still act as a framework for how actors come to have certain preferences and interests at all. When moving on to the second part of chapter four, I have chosen to address Bachrach and Baratz´s theory as an institutional conceptualisation of power, that work to reinforce certain preferences, and ‘suppress’ unwanted issues (Bachrach and Baratz 1970:44).

Central to Bachrach and Baratz´s concept of power is that there are some group

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5 interests in the political system that are favoured over others, and that people work to forward wanted issues and `thwart` issues that is detrimental to the favoured

perspective (Bachrach and Baratz 1970:44). This makes it possible to explore how the structural perspective brought by Lukes (Lukes 2005) could manifest itself within institutions, by the use of Bachrach and Baratz´s institutional perspective. The theme of the second part of the analysis will discuss just that, and discuss in what ways the agenda of Greener Trondheim and the institutional changes taking place in the organisation can be seen in relation to each other. This theme explores the potential relationship between theme one and theme two. Bachrach and Baratz (1962) sees power as institutional ‘barriers’ in the decision-making arena, making some

perspectives, ideas, and values favoured compared to others. The power lies with the actors that controls these ‘barriers’.

In the third part of chapter four I will draw on Dahl´s (1994(1957)) conceptualisation of power, that I have chosen to address as a relational

conceptualisation of power. By using Dahl, the theme will focus on whether the State have the power to influence how Greener Trondheim should help develop the city of Trondheim in relation to infrastructure development. I am hoping that by using Dahl, I can bring the covert forms of power into a more overt sphere, where differences in resources and ownership becomes clearer. Since Dahl focuses on actors conflicting interests, latent issues and potential issues will in turn become clearer. Central to Dahl´s conceptualisation of power is conflict of interest and the change of behaviour, in order for one actor to get their will across (Dahl 1994(1957)). By using established points from the previous parts in the analysis, this part will aspire to see how it has become or will become possible for some actors in the organisation to further their wants in relation to others. This part, similarly to the second part, will be influenced by the framework established by Lukes´ (2005) structural conceptualisation of power, and that these structures will influence the actors´ interests and preferences.

The thesis will conclude with that there is a process of centralisation of power in the organisation of Greener Trondheim that relates to all three ‘levels’ of power

influence. This mobilisation have the result of increased State influence and control over the local initiative of Greener Trondheim.

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1.1.1 Thesis Structure

The thesis will have five chapters. Chapter one Introduction will contain an

introduction to the thesis, presentation of the research question, background, which will contain useful information about compact city planning, PPs in Norway and the Norwegian Climate Agreements (Klimaforlikene). Furthermore, there will be a case section that will provide information about the city and region of study, as well as a presentation of the organisation of Greener Trondheim. In the presentation of the organisation, I will go in some detail about the general purpose of the organisation, its goals, its structure and actors, in order to create a good starting point for the analysis. Nevertheless, some further description on a more detailed level will be needed in chapter four.

Chapter two Method of Research will begin by addressing critical realism as a philosophy of science. In addition, abductive approaches to the field, as well as how I approached the empirical data and coding will be further elaborated, before moving on to choices made in regards to method, and ending with sections on reliability and validity.

Chapter three Power deals with the theories that I have used in order to understand the case of Greener Trondheim in relation to the concept of power. First, Robert Dahl´s theory (1957, reprinted in Scott (eds) 1994, 1961) will be presented, then Peter Bachrach and Morton Baratz´s theory (1970, 1963, 1962), followed by Steven Lukes´ (2005) conceptualisation of power. After this, some conceptual

differences to the three theories will be discussed before moving on to the description and presentation of the analytical framework, which is to be used in this thesis.

Chapter four The Story of Greener Trondheim will be the main body of the analysis, where the structure will revolve around three themes directed at answering one research question.

In par 4.1 Lukes´ (2005) structural conceptualisation of power will be of central theoretical focus. In this part I will shed light on changes in the organisational agenda happening from 2008 to the present through the use of informant interviews, national documents and agreements that symbolise a change of political emphasis and rhetoric In part 4.2 Bachrach and Baratz´s (1970) institutional conceptualisation of power will have centre stage, theoretically speaking. This second part of the

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7 analysis will explore the institutional changes taking place in the organisation and try to understand the relationship between them and the evolving agenda of Greener Trondheim. Informant interviews and local to national agreements will be analysed in order to assess this relationship. In part 4.3 Dahl´s (1994(1957)) relational conceptualisation of power will be applied in order to bring the so far covert, and indirect forms of power into a sphere of the more empirically observable. This part will assess the resource-relationship between the actors and determine how this has made it possible for the State to increase its influence and widen its scope in Greener Trondheim, through the use of informant interviews, observation, and deliberation of coming agreements.

The final, and fifth chapter Greener Trondheim in a Time of Centralisation, will gather the threads from the analysis, discuss the findings and present a

conclusion to the thesis. The final chapter will contain a second presentation of the analytical framework, however this time with case specific points that will help tie together the arguments, as well as an illustrative timeline.

1.2 Background

This sub-chapter is of great importance. It will help create a sense of the dominant thoughts, values and ideas on what is said to be appropriate solutions to climate change issues in the Norwegian context. I will outline national politics that shape agendas and set the order of how to mitigate in Norway and in Norwegian cities.

Before moving on it might be of benefit to briefly address the concept of governance in this paragraph. Many would argue that a shift has happened from government to governance in political steering (Lievens 2015). Government typically refers to a mode of exercise of power in a state context, based on principles like sovereignty, territory and citizenship (Lievens 2015:2). Governance is a form of political steering that can be characterised by networks of informal or semi- institutionalised actors that can be both public and private, that is involved in tackling concrete problems in society (ibid.). The development of governance as a form of political steering have emerged the last decades, and lacks the direct coercive power of the government (ibid.), although the State is still involved, it might be a more indirect involvement, perhaps through public-private partnerships. In this

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paper, I will argue that although State influence is indirect, it is nonetheless highly influential. Nevertheless, the concept of governance is not of central focus in this thesis, although there is no lack of controversy directed toward the concepts wide focus (Lievens 2015). However, it was necessary to briefly address the concept here, since governance, and perhaps global climate governance is a triggering cause for national engagement on the issue, leading to organisations like my case, existing.

In this sub-chapter, I will start by briefly presenting the agreements made across national political parties in Norway, on the country´s strategy to reach greenhouse gas emissions reduction targets. The agreements can be seen as a blueprint on how to mitigate and combat climate change in Norway, and dictates what is seen as a possible mitigation effort and how to essentially think about the issue of climate change in the context of Norway. In the second part of this sub- chapter, I will present policy packages as a Norwegian climate-and environmental policy and initiative, directed at reducing emissions from private car use.

1.2.1 Agreements on Norwegian Climate Politics -

´Klimaforlikene´

The green economy discourse has in many respects evolved from the discourse of sustainable development, and is largely built on the same principles (UNEP 2011).

UNEP argues that a shift to a green economy does not favour any political belief;

however, it highly builds on the neoliberal projects principles when it comes to rely on market mechanisms as a solution to climate change. The key feature in the green economy paradigm is that there should be a price on carbon. When there is a price on carbon, there is a market for carbon, meaning that carbon can be traded between countries (ibid.). Coming from a global perspective it does not necessarily matter where, geographically, the emissions are reduced, as long as there is a total reduction globally, and the carbon market allows reductions to happen where it is most cost- effective for them to happen (ibid.). Another characteristic is the industrial focus, where countries are to invest, gradually in green industries in favour of heavy polluting industries. This can be done through green tax- systems (ibid.), or creating positive incentives through tax-cuts to greener businesses. The green economy focuses very much on the possible ways in which the current standard of living and

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9 being can be maintained, if not improved, while mitigating climate change, and stresses the fact that a global climate crises can be solved through market mechanisms and never at the expense of peoples well-being (ibid.).

The Climate Agreement on Norwegian Climate Politics of 2008 (Ministry of Climate and Environment 2008), came as a response to increased international awareness and engagement around greenhouse gas emissions reduction and

mitigation. In line with the commitments made in the Kyoto-protocol, the Norwegian government pledged to reduce emission with ten percentage-points beyond what was agreed upon in the protocol, where the additional percentage-points where to be fulfilled through the use of the ‘flexible mechanisms’, included in the protocol (Ministry of Climate and Environment 2008:37). The flexible mechanisms refers to the Clean Development Mechanism, that allows for industrialised countries to reduce emissions in developing countries and count those emissions reductions as part of the national emissions budget, trading through the established carbon quota market, and Joint Implementation of mitigation efforts (ibid.). However, it is emphasised in the agreement of 2008 that the majority of the reductions are to be made nationally by national mitigation efforts, and rely heavily in that regard on green economic thinking to reach the set target in the Kyoto Protocol (ibid.). The principle of “the polluter pays” is used on several occasions within the agreement text, and legitimises the use of quota-systems, and taxes as a way of stimulating certain market

behaviours (Ministry of Climate and Environment 2008:46-56). Another principle, heavily relied on in the agreement is “cost effectiveness”.

“Cost effectiveness refers to mitigation efforts that allows for maximum reductions in relation to the resources put in. If one moves away from this principle, the society will have to suffer unnecessary cuts and restrains in welfare in order to reach the political climate goals. Cost effectiveness in climate politics can be reached when decision-makers in the whole of the society are presented with the same incentives to reduce their emissions. A consistent environment-tax is in principle, a cost effective measure.” (Ministry of Climate and Environment 2008:48) (My translation from Norwegian).

In many ways, it is quite clear that the citizens of Norway are to feel as little as possible, and continue the same lifestyle, despite the ‘severity of the situation’. The

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agreement of 2008 seems to be based on a rationale that intend to exhaust all the marked-oriented- and positive incentive- approaches available before anything puts a damper on the Norwegian lifestyle.

Since the Agreement on Norwegian Climate Politics of 2008 maps out fairly long-term goals, being carbon neutral within 2050, and reach goals set within Kyoto by 2020 (Ministry of Climate and Environment 2008), these goals were still in effect, when creating the Agreement on Norwegian Climate Politics of 2012. The

Agreement of 2012 was meant to further elaborate and emphasise the Norwegian strategy to reach these goals. The green economy discourse is highly visible in the agreement of 2012, where a third principle is further elaborated.

“Effective governance is when the chosen strategy leads to goal achievement with a high degree of certainty […] A quota system is an example of effective governance in the way that one can, with a great degree of certainty reach the desired targets for emissions reductions, regardless of where the reductions take place. If one also allows for trading of quotas, this will ensure cost effectiveness as well.” (Ministry of Climate and Environment 2011:85) (My translation from Norwegian) While market-oriented approaches to reaching greenhouse gas emissions are dominant, in the Agreements of both 2008 and 2012, there is some space dedicated toward social efforts as well. In contrast to the efforts that are in line with the green economy discourse, that is in fact being enforced, social awareness on the issue are only to be encouraged, in order to hopefully create new consumer patterns in the Norwegian society. Thus, social efforts and organisation directed at reducing emissions are highly informal and non-enforced principles within the agreement (Ministry of Climate and Environment 2011:85).

Of more integral importance to this thesis is the increased emphasis on

municipalities and the county authorities´ responsibility within these two agreements.

It was made clear, in the 2008 agreement that the majority of the measures that Norway were to undertake domestically, were to be of ‘local initiative and responsibility’ from 2008 and onward (Ministry of Climate and Environment 2008:71). This thinking was brought through to the Climate Agreement of 2012, where the role of the municipalities were further emphasised (Ministry of Climate and Environment 2011). The Agreement of 2012 states that the local knowledge of

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11 challenges and geography is necessary in order to plan for low-emission-societies in the future. On the other hand, failing to do this is detrimental and can result in increased emissions from localities (Ministry of Climate and Environment

2011:177). Through the Planning- and Building Law the municipalities get the tools they need to develop city areas and localities in line with a sustainable development, the agreement of 2012 states (ibid.). In many ways, the two agreements presented, offers a ´forced´ guideline, and it has become the responsibility of the cities namely the municipalities and to some extent the county authorities, to implement policies specifically targeted to reach the goals and standards set in the agreements and pledges made in international agreements.

1.2.2 Compact City Planning

What has become one of the leading ways of thinking about city development in relation to sustainability is compact city planning. What is meant by the compact city is that it has a relatively high density, is of mixed use, meaning both as a place to live and work, based around an effective public transport system with dimensions that encourage walking and cycling (Burton 2000:1969). Around the world and in Norway, many cities are stretched far and wide, and some cities might even favour car-use in that regard. When speaking of the compact city, the process of achieving this, one often talks about densification, intensification or consolidation (ibid.). This entails repurposing of already used areas of land, more intensive use of urban buildings, sub-division and conversions of existing development and an increase in the population density within the urban areas (ibid.). Burton (2000:1969-1970) argues that the benefits of compact city planning is well documented. Including conservation of countryside, less need to travel by car, which reduces harmful emissions, support for public transport and more walking and cycling. In addition, it creates better access to services and facilities, more efficient utility and infrastructure provision and creates regeneration and revitalisation of inner urban areas. All of these factors are seen to contribute to a more sustainable development of cities in the developed world. Burton (2000:1970) goes on to argue that the overall and broader purpose is for the compact city to embrace all the three pillars of sustainable development, social-,economic-, and environmental sustainability.

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In Norway, there are many ways in which one can try to densify a city, or at least to some extent. Policy packages are one way of organising such an effort, for now, mostly revolving around only one aspect of city development, transport.

1.2.3 Policy Packages in Norway

PPs, defined by Tønnesen (2015:90) is a combination of individual policies and measures directed at a certain goal. In the Agreements on Norwegian Climate Politics, cooperation across sectors are emphasised and desired, contrary to isolated means of mitigation (Ministry of Climate and Environment 2011, 2008). Tønnesen (2015) point out that situations could arise, if only implementing isolated measures, that mitigation projects could conflict with existing infrastructure in society, reducing the effectiveness of the measure. Therefore, most of the largest cities in Norway have now engaged a PP strategy directed at preparing the infrastructure for a low-carbon future. This strategy has strong hold in the Climate Agreements from both 2008 and 2012, made clear by this citation

“It is therefore important to avoid decisions that makes us dependent on emission- intensive infrastructure that will affect us into the future. The decisions that are made today, are important for how the society will be in a long-term perspective, beyond 2020..[…]” (Ministry of Climate and Environment 2011:177) (My translation from Norwegian)

Another point that Tønnesen (2015) makes is that whilst these PPs focuses on building road network infrastructure, which is more efficient and in many cases larger than the existing infrastructure, it can have a backlash effect. In a situation where cities are preparing for a low-carbon future, they can make infrastructure so effective and easy that it result in increased emissions from traffic not reduction, as a consequence of the improved road-network. The main characteristic with a PP is that it combines multiple measures directed at the package´s overarching goals. This means that road- and infrastructure improvement and building is not the only focus area, but rather reducing private car use is. In order to combat possibly unwanted effects of the improved road networks, positive incentives and subsidies are often used in order to make public transport more attractive. Combined with measures like,

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13 bus lanes, and toll fees to make car use less attractive in relation to public transport (Tønnesen 2015). It is a mediation act between a stick and a carrot, aiming at reducing private car use.

Some issues could nonetheless arise between the municipal political rule and the PPs for multiple reasons. These challenges can relate to, legislative issues, technical- or organisational barriers and/or public and political acceptance and willingness. One such line of conflict could be distributional issues in relation to compact-city expansion, or municipal priorities not being in line with that of the PP, making both policies less effective (Tønnesen 2015). If the municipal political rule is to enforce a densification policy, however does not quite follow through, than the effectiveness of the PPs policies, that is developing a public transport system that is meant to function in a more compact environment, will be reduced.

PPs in Norway can be seen as a way of shifting the international

commitments made, down to city-level, where the cities are in charge of tailoring programs fitted to their needs, challenges and geographical contexts (Tønnesen 2015). In the process, the municipalities and the county authorities have inherited many of the responsibilities that the State used to have (Tønnesen 2015). The State is still very much involved in many of the PPs in Norway, however indirectly, which will be the subject of the next section.

1.2.4 Local-National relationship

Although local authorities have gained more responsibility through the PPs in regards to climate mitigation, Tønnesen (2015), argues that there is insufficient financing in order to cope with the number of decentralized tasks. This makes it so that the localities are still highly dependent on national-level financing. Such financing can occur in multiple ways, and have changed over time. Here I will address the Reward-Payment system, the City Environment Agreements, and City Growth Agreements, which are all contracts between local authorities and the State to reach desired targets, set by the State, in exchange for financing.

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Zero Growth target

The main objective set in the Reward-Payment system (from here RP system), City Environment Agreements (from here CE agreements) and the City Growth

Agreements (from here CG agreements) is the Zero Growth target (Ministry of Transport and Communications 2017a, Municipality of Trondheim 2016). Potential financing is dependent on to what extent projects can show or has shown positive results in relation to this target. The Zero Growth target refers to the notion of zero- growth in private car use in the nine biggest Norwegian cities. All growth in private transport is to be absorbed by alternative transportation methods, that being, walking, public transport or bike. The target was first put into words in the Climate Agreement of 2012 (Ministry of Climate and Environment 2011) and further continued into the National Transport Plan (from here NTP) of 2014 (Ministry of Transport and Communications 2012, 2017b). The State have acknowledged that car travel, into and around the biggest urban areas in Norway are increasing and the Zero Growth target as a nationally determined target functions as a goal for cities to work toward (Ministry of Transport and Communications 2017a).

Reward-Payment System

The RP system functions as a positive incentive for local authorities in order to work toward reaching the Zero Growth target. The cities that are eligible for applying for the RP system has to show a comprehensive plan for- and the use of various

measures to reach the target (Ministry of Transport and Communications 2017a, b, 2012). The financial funds available for cities that receive the reward-payments are determined in the national budget, and as a result, varies. Most RP system

agreements have a timespan over four years (Ministry of Transport and

Communications 2017a), and have decreased in use in the larger city areas after 2016.

City Environment Agreements

Going from the RP system to the CE agreements, the core idea is still the same.

Cities that can document, have- or plan to implement measures that, in a

comprehensive manner work toward reaching the Zero Growth target can be offered a CE agreement with the State of Norway (Ministry of Climate and Environment

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15 2011, Ministry of Transport and Communications 2017a, 2012, Municipality of Trondheim 2016). The difference between the RP system and the CE agreements is to what extent the State is involved at local level and is foremost focused around city areas that have working PPs (see paragraph 1.1.2) (Ministry of Transport and

Communications 2017a). With the PPs as a starting point, the State will, through a CE agreement go in more heavily with project specific funding, namely directed at public transport expansion and improvement, and in general provide a significant increase in financial funding (Ministry of Transport and Communications 2017a, Municipality of Trondheim 2016). Although the Zero Growth target is of undisputed importance in the CE agreement, the State expects that the local authorities enforces a spatial planning strategy that will reinforce and strengthen the goal-achievement possibilities for the Zero Growth target (Ministry of Transport and Communications 2017a). The CE agreements are valid over longer periods of time, allowing for easier planning and more predictability when developing projects contrary to the RP

system.

City Growth Agreements

As of now (2018) there is only two urban areas that have a CE agreement

(Trondheim region, Oslo region), and is now up for negotiating what is called a City Growth Agreement (Ministry of Transport and Communications 2017b, a). In the CG agreement, the scope has widened going from the CE agreements, to including a focus on sustainable city planning. This means, that conscious city planning that reinforces mitigation efforts, which was only encouraged and to some extent expected in the CE agreements, are now to be more heavily emphasised in the CG agreements. At this time, there is two regions that have a CG agreement with the State (Bergen, Nord-Jæren). In a CG agreement, the core idea is still the same as in the previous two State initiatives, it is meant as financial aid agreement offered to city areas to secure better goal-achievement in regards to the Zero Growth target.

1.3 The Case

In this sub-chapter, I will present the geographical- and political context of the case studied in this paper before moving on to the case itself. In part 1.3.2 I will outline

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the organisation of Greener Trondheim, in order to reduce the amount of case specific description needed in chapter four where the purpose is primarily analysis.

1.3.1 Trondheim and Trøndelag

Trondheim is the third largest city in Norway, as from 2018 Trondheim will be the political metropole in one of the country´s largest county authorities, Trøndelag (County Authority of Nord-Trøndelag and County Auhtority of Sør-Trøndelag 2016, Statistics Norway 2017a, b). At the beginning of this study in 2017, the county authority were two individual county authorities, respectfully North- and South Trøndelag. This changed the 1st of January 2018, where the two counties became one, Trøndelag, with the political centre being in Trondheim, and administrative centre located in Steinkjer (County Authority of Nord-Trøndelag and County Auhtority of Sør-Trøndelag 2016).

Trondheim, with its population of about 190 000 inhabitants (Statistics Norway 2017b), is the largest city in the region of Trøndelag and the largest city in the northern parts of Norway. Geographically, Trondheim’s city centre is positioned right next to the E6 road network, which is the main transportation route to cities and urban areas further north and south in the country. Nevertheless, with Norway being a fairly slim country, Trondheim is also a city located not far from the Norwegian coastline, within ‘Trondheimsfjorden’.

Politically, Trondheim has had a stable Labour party (Ap) lead coalition rule since 2003 (Statistics Norway 2015). Allowing for some predictability and long-term planning, which might be difficult in areas with radical fluctuation in leadership. The county authority, which the municipality of Trondheim and the city of Trondheim is located within, have also had a stable Ap leadership since 2003 (Berg 2017). This might create a political environment between the municipality and the county

authority where cooperation could be easier and in theory more effective. The city of Trondheim have experienced-, and still have a high population growth in a Norwegian context, and is expected to reach a population of over 200 000 within 2030 (Statistics Norway 2017b). The city is one of the fastest growing cities in Norway, and in the period between 2004 and 2014 the city experienced 18% growth in population (Tønnesen 2015).

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Map I: County of Trøndelag

1.3.2 Greener Trondheim

“The population in and around Trondheim is growing fast. More people means more traffic, worse rush-hours and poorer air quality – unless we do something”

(Greener Trondheim Undated-d: https://miljopakken.no/om-

miljopakken/organisasjonen/introduksjon) (My translation from Norwegian).

Miljøpakken, directly translated from Norwegian, would be ‘the Environment Package’. However, on the organisation’s official website (miljopakken.no), on the

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English introduction site, they have named the organisation Greener Trondheim. I will be using this name for the organisation, as I feel it would be the most

appropriate. Greener Trondheim is an organisation seated in the municipality and city of Trondheim, and it is a policy package working on reducing private car use in and around the city (Tønnesen 2015, Greener Trondheim Undated-d). The

organisation combines various forms of policies and projects in order to reduce traffic, both restrictive policies mainly through a toll-payment system for cars on roads leading into the city, and positive measures like subsidising public transport fares in order to keep prices fairly moderate (Greener Trondheim Undated-c, Tønnesen 2015). There is also a heavy focus on infrastructure improvement and expansion, and the organisational funds can be divided roughly into a 50/50

principle. Fifty percent of the funds are meant to be used on road improvement and expansion, and the rest are divided amongst various other policies, projects and measures (Greener Trondheim Undated-b).

When the organisation was created in 2008 (Municipality of Trondheim 2008), the political parties within the municipality of Trondheim agreed upon ‘ten overarching goals’ for Greener Trondheim. However, Greener Trondheim was not an idea or an organisation that every political party in Trondheim agreed on initially.

When the agreement was signed in 2008, the parties that agreed was the Ap, The Liberal Party (V), The Centre Party (Sp), The Socialist Left Party (SV), The Christian Democratic Party (KrF) and The Green Party (MdG). Some politically dividing decisions had to be made in order to create the PP, and was cause for concern amongst some of the established political parties. One is that the public transport had to get new owners, and would be sold to private actors. This

represented a commercialisation of a public good, which was something that the Red Party (R) could not agree with. Another issue was that it was planned for a

permanent public transport lane running through the city, the Conservative Party (H) and the Progress Party (FrP) saw this as something that would potentially cause too much rush-hour traffic and unnecessary trouble for people. The H Party ended up agreeing to the initiative of Greener Trondheim some time later. A third issue, was the toll-payment system, which is one of the main sources of funding for the

organisation (Municipality of Trondheim 2008). The Ap itself had recently removed a toll-payment system in the city some years prior to 2008, and was not particularly

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19 eager to reintroduce the system, afraid of how this would affect their votes.

Nevertheless, the toll-payment system is now functioning and is one of the primary sources of income as well as a restrictive measure for car use today. The ‘ten goals’

that became the agenda of Greener Trondheim were

There had been some small local political initiatives prior to 2008, and the founding of Greener Trondheim. However, none resulted in substantial policy. When the Agreement on Norwegian Climate Politics of 2008 was put forth, it became the municipalities´ responsibility to address the international commitments (Ministry of Climate and Environment 2008). Although many of the challenges and issues with traffic and air-quality in Trondheim had been a matter of dispute previously, this

Ten Goals 1, My translation from Norwegian (Municipality of Trondheim 2008:2-3)

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agreement added necessary fuel to the fire in order to address the issues and forced the leading parties to take action.

The Actors

Greener Trondheim is an organisation, which is made up by representatives from the municipality of Trondheim, the County Authority of Trøndelag, the Norwegian Public Roads Administration (from here NPRA) and the Railroad Directorate (Greener Trondheim Undated-a). These representatives are employed with their respective actors, however work within or in relation to Greener Trondheim projects or in project development. The organisation works independently from the political rule of the municipality, and develops projects and potential policies in a more or less cooperative manner, which they then propose to the local government for approval.

The political rule of the municipality has the final decision-making power when it comes to what projects are actually realised, to what extent, and at what price, etc.

However, all the funds available for infrastructure related to the goals of Greener Trondheim is pooled into the organisation along with the funds available within the County Authority, the NPRA and the Railroad Directorate. This makes the

organisation responsible for nearly all road-network infrastructure work in the region (Greener Trondheim Undated-b). The actors can be differentiated by whether they are local actors or state actors. The local actors would be representatives from the municipality of Trondheim and the county authority of Trøndelag. The NPRA is a state actor; they have local offices, however act as state representatives within the PP. The same goes for the Railroad Directorate, which is also a state actor. The reason for this divide is all about the roads and who owns and have responsibility for them. The county authority owns the county roads, which has grown in number in recent years, and represent heavy trafficked roads, both in Trondheim and the region (Ministry of Climate and Environment 2011). The State owns the European-roads, and the Kingdom roads (Riksveier) as well as the railways. The municipality, owns the municipal roads. These are in general smaller roads in the inner-city road- network. Together, these actors have both the ownership, and the responsibility of the necessary areas of Trondheim and Trøndelag to offer a complete coverage of the transportation infrastructure network and possibilities to improve on it in the region.

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Map II: Inner-City Road-Network

The fact that the NPRA and the Railroad Directorate are state actors means that what funding they bring into the organisation is dependent on the national budget. At the time of fieldwork, it had not been allocated any substantial amount of financial funds going to railways in the region, meaning that the Railroad Directorate does not have any active projects ongoing in Greener Trondheim. They still function as a state representative and state voice nonetheless together with the NPRA.

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However, these two actors work in unison, if they do not agree on a given decision, the NPRA have the deciding vote of the two. This means, that in many respects, there are three main actors and not four, at this point in time. That is why; in this thesis I will work out of the premise that there are three highly influential actors and a fourth actor with limited influence.

A second divide can be made between whether or not the actor is a political actor or more of a professional, expertise and administrative actor. Both the county authority- and the municipal representatives are to some extent political actors. First, what I deem to be a political actor is that they consist of publicly elected officials, second the reason for why I use the words, ´to some extent´, is because both actors have an administrative unit, made up by professionals as well as a political unit, which are both active within the organisation (Greener Trondheim Undated-a). I will further elaborate this point in the next paragraph (Organisational Structure). The NPRA and the Railroad Directorate are represented through professionals in the field only and administration, and have no political representatives.

The NPRA´s main focus and knowledge is the roads. Building them, traffic safety, traffic flow, and offers technical knowledge in regards to project execution.

The Railroad Directorate is in many respects the same, only regarding railways. The county authority not only owning and prioritising many of the heaviest roads is also in charge of the public transport system in the city and region. The municipality have the political rule in the city of Trondheim and final decision-making power in terms of what projects can and will be realised in what shape and form. This means that in theory, Greener Trondheim can only propose projects to the political rule, hoping for its approval, however the organisation has proven to be highly agenda-setting, and propositions are rarely disputed politically. Needless to say, the lines between knowledge-fields and responsibility areas are more blurred in actuality than portrayed here.

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23 Organisational Structure

When it comes to the organisational structure, there is a difference between how it functions officially and in actuality. In this section I will focus on how it function officially, since how it functions in actuality will be of more central focus in the analysis chapter. The organisation has a hieratical outline made up by three main levels. At bottom level, one finds the Subject Groups (Faggrupper), and there is in total eight of them (Greener Trondheim Undated-a). Each Subject Group has a specific focus area, and is made up by representatives from all of the four actors, educated within the specific field or subject. There is an information group, a public transport group, a bike group, a traffic safety group, one for noise pollution, one for road-projects, an environment group and a walking group (Greener Trondheim Undated-a). The idea is that within these groups, the representatives from the different actors are to work together in cooperation, in a cross-sector manner, and develop projects before submitting project proposals into an action plan, which is to be deliberated and evaluated higher up in the organisational structure (ibid.). It is meant to create a bottom-up approach to the policy package, where cooperation and people that have intimate knowledge of city- challenges are to tailor projects in order to address the most pressing local issues.

(Illustration of Subject Groups from Greener Trondheim´s official website(Greener Trondheim Undated-a))

The next level of the organisation is the Program Council (Programråd). The Council is made up by administrative leadership within the municipality, the NPRA, the county authority, the Railroad Directorate and the Greener Trondheim Secretariat (Greener Trondheim Undated-a). The mandate of the Program Council is to gather the various proposals placed by the Subject Groups, create suggestions for further priorities and outline available financing in line budgetary frames (ibid.). The Secretariat is a new addition to the organisation from 2016, and consists of four individuals from the NPRA and the municipality. The Secretariat is meant to be an

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independent organ within the organisation and deals with the daily administrative leadership in Greener Trondheim on behalf of the Program Council and the highest level of the organisation (ibid.).

The highest level of governance in the organisation is the Contact Committee (Kontakt Utvalg), which meets approximately every other month. This is where the final decisions are made before they send potential projects for political deliberation and approval (Greener Trondheim Undated-a). It is at this level it becomes visible, the political and non-political actor divide. The Contact Committee is made up by various representatives from all the actors, however the meetings held here is led by three people that make up the Governing Group (Styringsgruppe). These three people are the leaders of the organisation: the Mayor of Trondheim, the county authority Mayor and the State Roads Directors representative (ibid.). Proposals from the Program Council will be deliberated here since none of the other levels has the mandate to make any substantial decisions, only propositions and suggestions.

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2 Methodology

In this chapter, I will start by briefly presenting the philosophy of science or, the scientific foundation for this study. After which I will continue by mapping out the choices I have made in terms of method, both prior to fieldwork and during

fieldwork. This section will contain information like the research strategy, coding and recruitment of informants. Issues of ethics, validity and reliability will be discussed throughout the chapter, but will be more thoroughly handled at the end of this chapter in light of all the methodical choices that I have made.

2.1 Philosophy of Science

To have a scientific theory or a philosophy of science is not the same as using a theory to analyse data. When looking at an issue it regards your perspective, it might look very different depending on your philosophical standpoint (Danemark, Ekström, Jakobsen, and Karlsson 2002, Johannessen, Tufte, A., and Christoffersen 2012:47).

A certain issue can be understood differently depending on your point of view. When talking about the social reality which could be perceived differently depending on your understanding or positioning, the different scientific theories serves as a guide in order to determine what part of your material is within your scope (Johannessen et al. 2012:48).

2.1.1 Critical Realism

Easton (2009:119-120) argues that critical realism as a philosophy of science agrees with realism in that there exist a reality independent of our perception of it, however continues by arguing, that our perception might be fallible and our knowledge about that reality is equally fallible (Easton 2009, Danemark et al. 2002). In natural

sciences, one would assume that reality could be accurately assessed, and in natural sciences that might be the case. However, in social sciences one rarely, if ever encounter closed systems and controlled environments to conduct research. Thus, a critical realist would accept that reality is a social construct but not entirely so (Easton 2009:120). The social reality is both constructed and produced. From a

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critical realist standpoint, social science can hardly ever provide an absolute truth, nor is that the point. The point is to gain a better understanding of the causality of different phenomenon in society, and those phenomenon’s mechanisms and structures (Buch-Hansen and Nielsen 2005)

Critical realism builds on the premise that we live in a stratified reality. This reality is made up by hierarchical levels which dictates our actions and knowledge.

Danemark et al. (2002) categorises critical realism into three domains. The empirical domain, which includes all actual incidents that can be experienced using your senses. The actual domain includes all incidents that actually happens, regardless of people being present and experiencing them. These two domains still have clear footholds within the realm of realism. Finally, the real domain, which is made up by structures and mechanism that make certain things happen. In this third domain, critical realism separates itself from the empiricist orientation of realism, and opens up to the possibility that there are mechanisms and structures, which is not

necessarily observable that triggers phenomena in social life which can be observed in the actual- and empirical domain (Buch-Hansen and Nielsen 2005). In this thesis, I try to understand the relationship between the empirical realm and the real realm.

Acknowledging the structures, or in this case the ideology, and how this influences and changes outcomes which then again can be observed through institutional change over time. This means that critical realism gives a good foundation for how I intend to understand structural influence, institutional reorganisation and management changes in the organisation of Greener Trondheim.

In this thesis, using theories mainly rooting in Marxist tradition (Lukes 2005, Bachrach and Baratz 1962) and one theory stemming from a more empiricist

perspective (Dahl 1994(1957)), critical realism coincide quite well as a scientific philosophy. First, both critical realist thought and in Marxist political- and economic thinking, works out of a dualistic perspective. In critical realism it is in terms of the socially constructed world meets the independently existing world, in Marxist

thought it becomes clear in the concept of ideology, where the social reality might be in stark contrast to what can be empirically observed (Bhaskar and Callinicos 2013) (see chapter 3). Second, by using Dahl, I also reach into the realm of more empiricist

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27 and positivist orientations towards social sciences that seeks to find causality through observable events.

Critical realism asserts that it is impossible to make neutral observations of ´facts´

about reality (Danemark et al. 2002:41), and that observations are always theory- laden. This does however, not determine what reality is like, and is viewed to exist independently of our knowledge about it. Danemark holds that it is crucial that we

“[…] do not merely think with the concepts without reflection, but that we also think about them. This is because within social sciences, what other people hold to be true, and their concepts of reality, are an integrated part of the object of science itself”

(Danemark et al. 2002:41)

Critical realism, as well as other approaches utilises abstractions. Conceptual abstraction, is something which is formed when the researcher separates or isolates particular aspects of a concrete object or phenomenon (Danemark et al. 2002:42).

The strength in doing abstractions lies within its ability to create understanding between the different domains within critical realism. If the researcher seek to

explain or understand, as I did, certain phenomena, then one needs a way of isolating the different mechanisms involved in such a process, which together produces these events. In order to create such understanding, I used conceptual abstraction.

(Danemark et al. 2002:42-43) I try to understand the organisation of Greener Trondheim and its functions; I found it useful to use conceptual abstractions in the form of a power perspective. I noticed some incidents where structural power influence could have a causal relationships to changes in the organisation, than I further developed this idea, and sought out to see if the same or similar patterns became apparent on various incidents in the empirical material. More on how I approached the empirical material in 2.2.3.

Power in Environmental Politics

Power in Environmental Politics

A Case Study of “Greener Trondheim”

Emma Bersvendsen

Master’s thesis in Development, Environment and Cultural Change

Centre for Development and Environment UNIVERSITY OF OSLO

Power in Environmental Politics

A Case Study of “Greener Trondheim”

Emma Bersvendsen

Abstract

Acknowledgements

Contents

List of Maps, Timelines and Figures

List of abbreviations and acronyms

1 Introduction

1.1 Purpose of Research and Research Question

1.1.1 Thesis Structure

1.2 Background

1.2.1 Agreements on Norwegian Climate Politics -

´Klimaforlikene´

1.2.2 Compact City Planning

1.2.3 Policy Packages in Norway

1.2.4 Local-National relationship

1.3 The Case

1.3.1 Trondheim and Trøndelag

1.3.2 Greener Trondheim

2 Methodology

2.1 Philosophy of Science

2.1.1 Critical Realism