After independence, Senegal adapted much of the French political system and laws to national needs. Senegal's first years as an independent nation were dominated by Senghor and the UPS consolidating their power over Senegal. Even though opposition parties were not illegal by law, for several years Senegal was a de facto one-party system (Creevey, Ngomo, and Vengroff 2005, 480). After a short period experimenting with parliamentarism, Senghor established Senegal as a strong presidential regime, which was approved by referendum. The following years were marked by general discontent among the rural population, political unrest in 1968, and an assassination attempt on President Senghor. After pressure from
fragments within his own party, Senghor started liberalising the regime by restoring the office of prime minister and permitting a three-party system, where each party represented an
ideological current. In 1980, Senghor resigned before the end of his term, and his protégé and previous prime minister Abdou Diouf took over the following year (Elgie 2011, 124).
Even though Diouf abolished the limitation on legal parties18, democracy also experienced some backlashes under his rule (Gellar 1995). He abolished the position of prime minister and was accused of election fraud in the 1988 presidential election. During the days of rebellion that followed, Diouf arrested his biggest political opponent, Abdoulaye Wade, who
considered himself the rightful winner of the 1988 election, and who was later to become the new president. In the subsequent period, Senegal faced tensions with Mauritania and with separatists in the Casamance region in the south, in addition to a faltering economy
(Encyclopædia Britannica 2015a). People feared that the image of Senegal as a stable African democracy would deteriorate.
However, the 2000 election was won by Abdoulaye Wade, who had campaigned under the slogan “Sopi” (Wolof for “change”) with the backing of a coalition of opposition parties. This peaceful transmission of power marked the end of the 40-year rule of the Socialist Party.
Wade proposed a new constitution, which was overwhelmingly approved by referendum. The new constitution reduced the presidential term limit from seven to five years, and the
presidency was restricted to two terms where there previously were no term limits. However, during his presidency Wade continued to amend the constitution a dozen times. Many of the amendments were highly controversial, leading to a concentration of power within the executive. Country experts have characterized Wade as acting like an “absolute monarch”
(Gaye 2012, quoted in Elgie 2011, 127). When tensions erupted between president Wade and the prime minister, Moustapha Niasse, who came from another party, the latter was dismissed and replaced by Senegal’s first female prime minister, Mame Madior Boye (Creevey, Ngomo, and Vengroff 2005, 489). Wade’s popularity diminished among the Senegalese, as he could not tackle the serious infrastructure problems or the increasing cost of living. Also, Wade chose to prioritize the construction of a massive and very expensive statue on the occasion of Senegal’s 50th anniversary as an independent state while claiming his personal right to take one-third of the revenue from visitors since the monument was his idea. This incident fuelled the growing discontent among the population (Encyclopædia Britannica 2015b).
18 The number of legal parties grew from four to fourteen, however the practical consequences was a fragmented and weak opposition
In the 2012 presidential election, Wade ran for the third time, even though he himself had limited the presidency to two terms. According to Wade, the 2001 enactment was not retroactive, and he claimed his "first" term as the one starting in 2007. The Supreme Court agreed with Wade. Many saw this so-called "constitutional coup" as a threat to the relatively long-lived democratic stability in Senegal (BBC 2012b). The Supreme Court's decision led to weeks of violent clashes between armed forces and angry youths in the streets, leaving six dead. However, most Senegalese turned to the polls to show their dissatisfaction with Wade, and in the 2012 election, Wade lost to his former prime minister Macky Sall (The Guardian 2015). Wade conceded power peacefully to Sall, in a moment described by the EU as "a great victory for democracy in Senegal and in Africa" (BBC 2012a).
Even though there have been cases of non-respect of human rights and democratic practice, Senegal has been held as an example of one of the most stable countries in Africa. Although having been labelled a quasi democracy (Vengroff & Creevey 1997, 204), Senegal has seen a move towards full democracy since the end of the Socialist Party rule in 2000. Freedom House currently labels Senegal as “free”. The opposition has a viable chance to win office, exemplified by the peaceful transmissions of power from incumbent presidents in 2000 and 2012. The local elections in 2014 also led to several replacements of representatives in major urban areas. Freedom of expression, belief, assembly and association is legally guaranteed and widely respected (Freedom House 2015).
Although being officially a secular republic, Senegalese law includes a Family Code deeply influenced by Sharia law and “contains an option allowing self professed Muslims to follow a version of Islamic law in regard to marriage, divorce, family authority, child custody and inheritance” (Creevey 1996, 268). Among other things, the Family Code recognises
polygamy and women’s inferior position within the family, and Islamic heritage law. Article 152 states that the man is the “Family Head”, while other articles underline the paternal authority of men (article 277) and gives the man the right to choose the marital home (Odera and Houinato 2011, 21). While men have more responsibilities outside of the home, women’s sphere have traditionally been limited to the domestic one, to housework and child rearing (Diokhane et al. 2000, 26). In most of the ethnic groups of Senegal, women have a position of dependence, meaning that their husbands and male relatives have rights over them and their productions. Especially in rural areas, women face societal discrimination, despite
constitutional measures against it. It is estimated that around half of all Senegalese women live in a polygynous relationship (Madjiguene 2001). An approximate equal number of boys and girls start school. However, more girls tend to drop out as the level of education
increases. Consequently, 61% of all women19 are illiterate, while the figure for men is 38%.
Early marriages and pregnancies contribute to the illiteracy problem. In poorer areas, girls are pushed into economic activity to support their families. The problem of illiteracy is more profound in rural areas. According to UNESCO, the “socio-cultural norms and practices concerning the role and position of women in society and other challenges such as gender-based violence, contribute to the low literacy rate of girls and women” (UNESCO 2011, 2).
However, Senegal has long experienced an exodus of young men from rural areas to the big cities, looking for work. The rural women have taken over manual and managing jobs previously reserved for men. In urban areas, women are working in a wide range of different occupations. The women’s movement in Senegal is both numerous and is reputed for its strong activism. Women’s associations on village level are thriving, amounting to 35 000 different groups in the mid-1990’s (Jupiter-Jones 2002). Bop (2005) claims that women in Senegal enjoy more freedom than women do in most other Muslim societies. Senegal has ratified all international conventions regarding women’s rights and other human rights. The greatest achievement of the Senegalese women’s movement to date is arguably the adoption of the Law on Parity in 2010.