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Comparing technologies

In document Iron ore mining and conflict in Goa (sider 119-133)

Usually EIAs, CSR and resistance are examined in silo. In the analysis I have

acknowledged similarities between modalities of legitimacy and the claims that work through these technologies. To continue this lateral thinking, I find it useful to reflect on

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a classification for how companies ‘divide and conquer’ their opposition. Benson and Kirsch classify three phases of corporate response to critique (2010). Phase 1 denies that the critique is valid or that a problem exists and works through the proliferation of doubt. Phase 2 admits a problem to a certain extent but is limited to a symbolic gesture of accommodation and included discursive co-optation. Phase 3 engages directly in crisis management, threatened by the complete loss of legitimacy. Benson and Kirsch acknowledge that companies and industries move back and forth between these phases.

In relation to this classification, the EIA process works to legitimise mining at the legal level and CSR helps to facilitate a working environment. They can be thought of as phase 1 and 2 engagements. The EIA process is mainly a phase 1 response but when regulations are amended due to critique, they respond and thus move into phase 2. CSR is a phase 2 response working to address issues on corporate terms. In contrast,

reactions ‘from above’ are phase 3 responses, moving to their last resort response, because the possibility of illegitimacy threatens the viability of business. This draws attention to the ways companies engage with critics but does not highlight the role of discourse.

To highlight the role of the pro-mining discourse, I have created the following table.

The table shows that there are similar discursive techniques working through EIAs, CSR and reactions ‘from above’. The EIA and CSR attempt to legitimise mining in different ways but they both justify mining by moralising and delimiting responsibility, through economic rationalism and through development claims. The table shows that reactions ‘from above’ are less unified; all work through securitisation but legal-administrative reactions work through economic rationalism and co-optation and manipulation tactics work through the development discourse. The column on the far right ‘implications for resistance’ shows how these pro-mining discursive techniques work have very different effects. For example, the implication of securitisation is that the option of activism is made unappealing whereas the implication of moralising and delimiting responsibility is that communities are persuaded into cooperation. This contrasts with the effect of economic rationalism and the use of science which work to conceal the negative impacts of mining and then implicate activists in proving them.

The table shows that the development discourse is perhaps the most widespread in practice, working to encourage activists to accept commercialised mining.

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Pro-mining discursive techniques

Description In practice How it contributes to legitimising mining

Implications for resistance Securitisation Constructing

activism as security threats and

responding

accordingly, creating fear

Reactions

‘from above’ Authorises intervention, security, violence and legal action

Difficult to gather support; to stay in the game; to remain effective. The effect is personal and public.

Moralising &

delimiting responsibility

Constructing mining as moral, impacts as mitigated,

responsibility as shared, communities as backwards

CSR discourse;

EIA reports

Legitimises violence towards communities, attempts to create a social licence to mine, cannot cover up competing claims

Contributes to the sense that there are shared values, common goals, reasons to cooperate

Economic rationalism

& use of science

Market-based instruments, reasons for problems, and solutions to problems, sustainability

EIA process;

EIA reports;

CSR

discourse and regulation;

legal-administrative reactions

Conceals negative effects of mining, normalises mining as part of everyday life.

Activist’s bound up is challenging evidence, needing expert help, works at the legal level

Development

discourse Win-win rhetoric, trickledown effect, economic

development, sustainability, emphasis on the potential, wiping the slate

EIA process;

EIA reports;

CSR

discourse and regulation;

co-optation and

manipulation tactics

Rationalises and justifies mining as development for all, constructs places as ideal sites for mining and development

Encourages the acceptance of commercial mining, encourages participation rather than opposition

Table 1: pro-mining discursive techniques compared

Therefore, the table provides another way of reflecting on the legitimisation of mining in Goa through discursive practice. I acknowledge that, of course, this is a

simplification because these techniques cannot, in reality, be compartmentalised so neatly, nor can extra-discursive tactics be totally separated from the discursive in the case of reactions ‘from above’. Still, the table breaks down the process of legitimisation in an attempt to understand its various components and effects.

Accordingly, this thesis points towards other areas of research such as: how fragmented social mobilisation efforts can be unified for collective action and how challenging CSR explicitly may or may not be useful for those mobilising around land use. EIAs and CSR should work to protect communities from the negative impacts of mining so how

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to realise purposeful EIAs and CSR is an important avenue for further research. This thesis also raises further questions as to how power and politics works through relationships between national and state governments, the judiciary and state

government, and inter-state departments. As stated in the introduction, understanding how mining continues in the face of land-use conflict is a phenomenon playing out globally. By understanding how mining is legitimised, stakeholders may be able to better negotiate their interests.

Post-script

In February 2018, mining in Goa was again suspended by the Supreme Court, nullifying existing mining leases and ordering the state government to issue new lisences (Reuters 2018). This second ban on all mining activities, including transportation of iron ore from Goa’s 88 mining leases, came into force in March 2018. In an uncanny return to the 2012 suspension, the Supreme Court has intervened in an attempt to bring mining under government control. The reoccurrence of temporary suspensions indicates that the state government is unable to enforce regulations and manage business interests.

Following this announcement, the Supreme Court allowed the mining lease holders to transport ore which had accumulated outside the lease areas, provided due royalty was paid to the state government. But then, the High Court in Goa set aside the order and directed that transport of all iron ore be stopped (The Indian Express 2018). This tussle between the central government, and a state government closely aligned with business interests, makes political and economic negotiations very difficult. As such, the governance processes around iron ore mining in Goa have significant challenges and now, the mining industry faces significant legal uncertainty. This suggests that increased scrutiny around mining, development and the environment is encouraging legal intervention. However, given what this thesis shows about how the pro-mining discourse works through institutions, policy, and technologies, serious questions remain over whether this signals meaningful change.

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