‘The Nordic Female Fighter’
1
Exploring Women’s Participation in Mixed Martial Arts in Norway
2
and Sweden
3 4
Daniel Alsarve
1& Anne Tjønndal
25 6 7
1:University of Örebro, Sweden; Örebro County’s Sports Confederation, Sweden 8
9
2: Nord University, Norway 10
11 12
Abstract 13
The purpose of this article is to investigate women’s participation in mixed martial arts 14
in the Nordic countries. The study is based on a qualitative and quantitative 15
methodological approach consisting of individual interviews and focus group interviews 16
with Swedish female mixed martial arts fighters and data from a Norwegian survey of 17
participants in Norwegian mixed martial arts clubs. A total of 12 female fighters were 18
interviewed, while 484 respondents participated in the survey. The results show that 19
women exercising mixed martial arts contain a potential to act as feminist role models 20
through their counter-hegemonic renegotiation of norms and views on femininity and, 21
more specifically, the perception of femininity as something fragile and passive. Despite 22
this progressive potential, the informants unanimously affirm that combat sports in 23
general and in different ways are dominated by males. The data indicates that women still 24
represent a small and marginalised group among mixed martial arts participants in the 25
Nordic countries. Furthermore, women participating in mixed martial arts compete less 26
and are less motivated by performance enhancement (developing as fighters, winning 27
fights/tournaments/titles) compared to the male participants. However, both male and 28
female participants value health and fun as the most important reasons for their 29
participation in mixed martial arts training groups.
30 31
Keywords 32
combat sport, gender, hegemony, inclusion and exclusion, masculinities, MMA 33
34 35 36 37 38 39
Introduction
40
In contrast to most other traditionally organised sports, in Mixed Martial Arts (MMA) 41
and other combat sports females and males train together and in many cases also spar 42
with each other (Channon, 2014). This means that regardless of gender the athletes are 43
coached by the same person and both male and female coaches are obliged to relate and 44
interact with male and female athletes (Tjønndal and Hovden, 2016). In this way, MMA 45
and other combat sports break with the tradition of gender segregated sports activities and 46
represent a unique training and coaching environment that is of particular interest for 47
studies of gendered power relations in sport (Hovden and Tjønndal, 2017). MMA and 48
other full-contact combat sports, such as boxing and kickboxing, are often described as 49
‘hyper-masculine’ sports in which gender/power relations are still prominent. These 50
factors make combat sports a particularly interesting and important study object when it 51
comes to gendered aspects such as women’s participation, health and well-being, as well 52
as athletes’ experiences and identity constructions.
53
By employing both quantitative and qualitative data, the purpose of this paper is to 54
examine female participation in combat sports in the Nordic countries of Norway and 55
Sweden. By combat sports we mean those that allow the outcome of fights to be 56
determined by knock out, such as boxing or full-contact kickboxing.1 However, in this 57
paper the main focus is on Nordic Mixed Martial Arts (hitherto referred to as MMA). The 58
research question investigated in the paper is:
59
What characterises women’s participation in MMA in Norway and Sweden?
60
Combat sports have been described as a male dominated arena in which identity 61
expressions traditionally understood as masculine are produced and encouraged 62
(Channon and Matthews, 2015; Messner, 1992, 2002; Messner and Sabo, 1990, 1994).
63
Indeed, combat sport involves characteristics such as strength, endurance, risk-taking, 64
strategy, toughness, muscularity and competitiveness that, taken together, can be 65
considered as core contents of a hegemonic (and dominant) masculinity (Connell, 2005).
66
However, over the past decades both men and women have shown great interest in MMA 67
and other combat sports (Channon and Matthews, 2015; Sánchez García and Malcom, 68
2010). Since the late 1990s, combat sports have become increasingly popular amongst 69
women in the Nordic region, with quantitative increases in female participation rates in 70
both MMA, boxing and kickboxing (Stenius, 2015; Tjønndal and Hovden, 2016).
71
This change raises several questions, which at an overall level can be understood as a 72
negotiation of the inclusion and exclusion of girls and women in combat sports. The aim 73
of this study is to investigate this in MMA, both in terms of participation rates (e.g. how 74
many women participate in MMA in Norway/Sweden) and women’s experiences of 75
inclusion/exclusion in MMA (e.g. how do women experience participating in the male 76
dominated combat sport milieu of MMA in Norway/Sweden). Therefore, in this paper we 77
examine the increased participation of females in combat sports from both a qualitative 78
and quantitative perspective. More specifically, we use data from interviews and 79
questionnaires to examine power and gender relations in today’s Nordic MMA. The 80
specific aim of the paper is to investigate how processes of inclusion and exclusion are 81
(quantitatively) expressed and (qualitatively) experienced in MMA in the Nordic region.
82
Context: MMA and combat sports in the Nordic countries
83
Some of the main characteristics of organised sport in Norway, Sweden, Finland, 84
Denmark and Iceland are its voluntary basis, autonomy and (relative) self-governance in 85
relation to national and local authorities (Alsarve, 2014; Halldorsson et al. 2013;
86
Halldorsson, 2017). In Norway all sport, both elite and grassroots sports, is organised 87
under the Norwegian Olympic and Paralympic Committee and Confederation of Sports 88
(NIF), consisting of 54 national federations. In Sweden sport comes under the Swedish 89
Sports Confederation (RF), consisting of 71 national federations. Compared to other 90
western and non-western countries, Nordic culture is generally seen as being shaped by 91
egalitarianism, a high degree of socialism and high levels of transparency in democracy 92
and democratic processes (Lo, 2015). Additionally, the Nordic welfare states have been 93
described as ‘champions of gender equality’ (Hovden, 2012; World Economic Forum, 94
2016). This also applies to the organisation of sport in the Nordic countries. However, the 95
focus of research on women in full-contact sports such as MMA has predominately been 96
on other western countries outside the Nordic region and the welfare model. Therefore, 97
we argue that this study provides an original contribution that adds to the international 98
research field of women in MMA (and combat sports in general) by investigating the 99
inclusion/exclusion of women in MMA in Norway and Sweden.
100
Of the Nordic countries, Iceland is the only one to consistently hire professional coaches 101
for all levels of sport and to require that both coaches and PE. teachers should have a 102
minimum of three years education in sport pedagogy. In Denmark, Finland, Norway and 103
Sweden coaching positions are only paid at the highest level of sport2, leaving the 104
majority of coaching positions to be filled by unpaid coaches working voluntarily for 105
local and regional sport clubs (Alsarve, 2014; Andersson, 2002; Ibsen and Seippel, 2010).
106
As in several other sporting contexts, male coaches dominate the paid positions (e.g.
107
Norman, 2010).
108
Historically, the Nordic countries have had restrictive policies for combat sports. For 109
instance, while professional boxing is legal in all the Nordic countries today, both Sweden 110
and Norway have a history of banning competitions in professional boxing and other 111
combat sports. Professional MMA events are now also legal in Sweden, but still illegal 112
in Norway3. Historically, Finland and Denmark have been the most liberal in terms of 113
regulating participation and competitions in combat sports amongst the Nordic countries.
114
As MMA is illegal at a professional level in Norway, we have chosen to collect qualitative 115
data (following the quantitative data collection) from the neighbouring country of 116
Sweden. Even though the number of professional practitioners is few, their experiences 117
are considered valuable, as these women can be said to represent one of the most included 118
groups in the sport.
119
The combination of historically restrictive policies towards combat sports, the uniqueness 120
of the Nordic welfare model and culture, and the high level of gender equality in Nordic 121
sports and sport leadership compared to other western countries (in our opinion) makes 122
the Nordic countries an interesting context in which to study the inclusion and exclusion 123
of girls and women in combat sports such as MMA.
124
Previous research on women in MMA and other knockout-based
125
combat sports
126
While women in combat sports represent an established and growing field of research 127
globally (e.g. Channon and Matthews, 2015; Matthews, 2015), gendered power relations 128
in combat sports in the Nordic region are an under-researched area (Kavoura, Kokkonen, 129
Chroni, and Ryba, 2018; Tjønndal and Hovden, 2016). In terms of women in non- 130
knockout-based combat sports in the Nordic countries, Sisjord and Kristiansen (2009) 131
have studied female wrestlers’ experiences of bodily structure, muscles and the ‘wrestler 132
role’. In their study, Sisjord and Kristiansen (2009) demonstrate how Norwegian elite 133
female wrestlers manage the increased muscle mass that results from elite sport and the 134
social price that comes with it.
135
Another non-knockout-based combat sport that has received scholarly attention in the 136
Nordic countries is judo. Kavoura et. al. (2018) highlight the identity construction of 137
female judo athletes in Finland. Their study explores how women have adapted to an 138
identity as a ‘natural born fighter’ rather than ‘an ordinary woman’ in Finnish judo. It also 139
argues that this identity construction does not advance gender equity in combat sports 140
because it constructs ‘ordinary’ women as biologically inferior and incapable of 141
participating in competitive judo (Kavoura et. al. 2018). Kavoura, Kokkonen and Ryba 142
(2014) have studied female judokas4 in Denmark (and Greece). Here, the authors argue 143
that ‘the egalitarian Danish culture offers more space for gender performativity and young 144
judokas seem to be comfortable with challenging the norms’ (p. 94). Using Kavoura, 145
Kokkonen and Ryba’s research on judo as a starting point, one could hypothesise that 146
women in Norwegian and Swedish MMA feel freer to challenge gendered norms and 147
stereotypes than female MMA practitioners in other western countries.
148
Within the context of knockout-based combat sports, some work has been done on women 149
in boxing in the Nordic countries, specifically in Norway. Hovden and Tjønndal (2017) 150
have investigated coach-athlete relationships between men and women in Norwegian 151
boxing. Their study indicates that female boxing coaches gain less respect from their 152
athletes compared to male boxing coaches. Additionally, their study reveals cases of 153
power abuse between older male boxing coaches and young female boxers. Furthermore, 154
Tjønndal and Hovden (2016) have studied coach leadership among male and female 155
boxing coaches in Norway. Their study reveals a gendered hierarchy in terms of what is 156
viewed as ‘good coaching’, where traits associated with male coaches are given priority 157
over ‘female leadership approaches’.
158 159
To our knowledge, only two studies of MMA in the Nordic countries touch on the subject 160
of gender. In his ethnographic work of MMA in Sweden, Stenius (2015) argues that 161
fighters (both men and women) are rewarded if they reproduce and protect the 162
stereotypical image of femininity and masculinity. Simultaneously, Stenius highlights 163
that MMA opens spheres in which men and women can train together, thus making MMA 164
an arena in which gendered norms could be challenged and expanded. Secondly, 165
Tjønndal’s (2018) study of participation patterns in Norwegian MMA shows that young 166
men (aged 20-30) dominate as members of Norwegian MMA clubs.
167
As stated earlier, the focus on women in combat sports has predominantly been in other 168
western countries rather than the Nordic region. For instance, Weaving (2015) shows how 169
MMA (specifically the UFC5) represents a sporting environment shaped by hegemonic 170
masculinity and male domination. International studies also underline how combat sports 171
can serve as arenas in which women can contest and reject traditional norms of 172
femininity. For instance, in a study of combat sports and gender, Channon (2014) 173
highlights that the mixed-sex training groups in combat sports provide women with a 174
sporting environment in which they can contest and reshape the dominant and traditional 175
gender roles associated with women’s sporting participation. Similar points have been 176
made by Maclean (2015) in her study of gender dynamics amongst karate practitioners in 177
Scotland. However, Channon and Phipps (2017) argue that female fighters often need to 178
carefully negotiate ‘feminine behaviours’ in order to fit into the categories of ‘woman’
179
and ‘fighter’. In their conclusion, Channon and Phipps (2017) underline the need for 180
scholarly work on women in martial arts and combat sports in order to focus on the 181
‘manner in which the performance of alternative femininities by female fighters might 182
work against the sexual hierarchies that their more orthodox counterparts are typically 183
thought to preserve’ (p. 33). One of our aims in writing this article is to build on this by 184
adding to the current body of knowledge about women and femininity in combat sports.
185
Since in our view muscularity and masculinity are closely linked to MMA and other 186
knockout-based combat sports, we have reviewed some of the research on this topic.
187
Research findings show that in order to be perceived and/or feel ‘real’ or ‘masculine’, 188
men in general should ideally have a muscular body. According to Morrison, Morrison, 189
and Hopkins (2003), muscles per se tend to make men feel more manly and 190
(heterosexually) attractive. Besides this, research has shown that in general women and 191
girls often express a fear of becoming (too) muscular (Grogan, Evans, Wright, and 192
Hunter, 2004). This is also reflected in Sisjord and Kristiansen’s work on Norwegian 193
female elite wrestlers (2009). However, these results are challenged by other research 194
findings. The approach to muscularity can be said to vary with the kind of sport the female 195
subject participates in (McCreary and Saucier, 2009), while research on the media, for 196
example, shows that well-trained and fit female body ideals are now being increasingly 197
embraced and accepted (Choi, 2003; Grogan et al., 2004).
198
Social notions of ‘violence’ from a gender perspective are also of importance for this 199
paper in order to chisel out the cultural understandings of women in combat sports. It is 200
debatable how far we can describe participation in combat sport as ‘violent’ per se, with 201
international campaigns such as ‘Love Fighting, Hate Violence’6 arguing for a clear 202
distinction between combat sports and acts of violence. Although this debate is not the 203
focus of our article, research on social gendered perceptions of violence and violent acts 204
may be helpful in explaining the stigmatisiation and marginalisation of female 205
practitioners of MMA and other combat sports. Gill (2007) has shown that violent, 206
aggressive females are considered as one of the most stigmatised social groups in (Anglo- 207
Saxan) society. This underlines why female participation in combat sports was for a long 208
time perceived as a non-question and could explain why the inclusion of women in 209
knockout-based combat sports has been slow, even in the Nordic countries. For instance, 210
boxing was the last Olympic sport7 to include female athletes when women’s boxing was 211
included in the programme for the 2012 Olympic Games in London. In contrast, 212
aggressive and violent males in sports are not understood as a stigmatised or deviant 213
group, because throughout western history the connections between violence, and even 214
war, men and masculinity have shown that aggression, physical courage, risk-taking and 215
other acts of violence are essential components of masculinity (Hirose and Pih, 2009;
216
Hutchings, 2008).
217
McCaughey (1997) employs ‘physical feminism’ as a perspective for understanding the 218
expressions and political functions of women’s violence in general and self-defence in a 219
male-dominated society in particular. Such ‘violent practices’ often rescript the female 220
body and female fighters, thereby redefining the female body and feminine ideals and 221
highlighting the importance of including corporeal dimensions in social and progressive 222
change. McCaughey’s (1997) physical feminist perspective is applicable to combat sports, 223
because the actions of self-defence and female fighting have the potential to challenge 224
traditional views, create ‘new’ female bodies and deconstruct social norms of ‘violence’
225
as a (hegemonic) masculine monopoly. McCaughey (1997) also links physical contact 226
power to an emotional pleasure of hitting, screaming and kicking, which drastically 227
challenges stereotypical, traditional and hegemonic ideals of women that shape ‘new’
228
kinds of feminine ideals. Traditional hegemony has, namely, taught women to be 229
subordinate, passive and beautiful objects (Connell, 2005).
230
To conclude, women in combat sports have challenged a cultural understanding of sport 231
violence as a masculine monopoly. More precisely, these fighting females challenge the 232
feminine stereotype of a passive, mouldable (heterosexual) female object that nurtures 233
the absence of violence and aggressiveness to construct an ideal feminine identity (cf.
234
Brandt and Carstens, 2005; Channon, 2014; Gill, 2007).
235
Theoretical Framework
236
The notion of hegemonic masculinity has had a huge impact on critical analyses of gender 237
(Connell, 2005; Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005). As a consequence of this influence 238
the notion has also been frequently debated and problematised (Demetriou, 2001; Hearn, 239
2004). In this paper we cannot fully enter into these theoretical discussions and therefore 240
focus on our use of the term and the link between hegemonic masculinity and its 241
consequences for individuals’ participation in combat sports. We thus interpret hegemony 242
as a power that ‘produces’ explicit and implicit ‘rules’ of inclusion and exclusion.
243
Hegemony, in other words, signifies an ideology or worldview that, through social 244
institutions and other powers, becomes an ordinary part of people’s everyday practices 245
(Connell, 1983; Gramsci, 1971).
246
In short, there are two central assumptions in Connell’s theory. First, patriarchy is taken 247
as a ‘given’ (but not natural or static) societal structure. This means that there is a 248
hierarchical relation between men, in general, and women, that, at an overall level, 249
supports men and masculinities. Second, there are power differences between 250
women/men and other women/men as well as between ideals of 251
femininities/masculinities. This means that some women/men and feminine/masculine 252
ideals are superior to others and that in specific situations women’s/men’s sexuality, 253
ethnicity, education, age, functionality and economic income may be significant and 254
influence the subject’s position in the social hierarchy. As a consequence of this, 255
hegemony is something that is constantly done, alters and changes, especially if women 256
or ‘new’ expressions of masculinity are able to challenge and change its content (Connell, 257
1993, 2005).
258
Characteristics that are rewarded in many sports have been connected to hegemonic 259
masculinity production and have, for example, emphasised strength, speed, toughness, 260
risk-taking and durability (Alsarve, 2018). Connell (2000, 2005) argues that sport is one 261
of the most influential social institutions for reproducing societal patriarchy and remaking 262
perceptions of the superiority of men and masculinities. That is, men’s physical and 263
‘better’ performances in sport can be seen as symbolic proof and legitimacy of men’s 264
hegemony in society in general. It is therefore important to make these hegemonic 265
expressions and traditions in sports visible in order to discuss and, if desirable, challenge 266
them.
267
Among others, Wachs (2002) has argued that Connell’s theory is too abstract and that it 268
mainly focuses on men and masculinities (Wachs, 2002, p 177). In our paper, the 269
ambition is to be specific about what gender and hegemonic masculine power contains 270
and how ‘it’ is experienced or challenged by sports participants. Our second ambition 271
has been to involve both men and women in our analysis.
272
Mixed methodological approach
273
The quantitative data used in this paper is based on a Norwegian questionnaire, whereas 274
the qualitative data was collected through interviews in Swedish MMA clubs. We argue 275
that the mixed method approach is adequate, mainly due to the complexity of the studied 276
phenomena. It also has the potential to nurture the respective strengths of the quantitative 277
and qualitative approaches. However, the combination of these two approaches can be 278
debated.
279
There are also challenges with this combination in terms of how to integrate the 280
quantitative and qualitative findings. It has been argued that quantitative and qualitative 281
methods stem from conflicting epistemological and ontological assumptions and 282
therefore cannot be mixed or merged (Morgan, 2007; Östlund, Kidd, Wengström, and 283
Rowa-Dewar, 2011). Critics of this posture argue that such a purist view poses a threat to 284
scientific advancement (Onwuegbuzie and Leech, 2005).
285
In some cases one method is given priority over another, although here the (pragmatic) 286
ambition is to draw on the strengths of both. We thus perceive describing and discussing 287
the quantifiable data that signals significant results in themselves to be a strength, 288
although we also see a value in being able to complement these with qualitative data in 289
order to add nuanced narratives to the numbers (which are also interesting per se). A 290
metaphor used for this approach is ‘triangulation’, which aims to capture the complexity 291
of the studied phenomenon or phenomena (Östlund et al., 2011). For instance, if the 292
statistics show that women are in the minority, but that their numbers increase in MMA, 293
it could indicate a progressive movement within the sport. By specifically asking 294
questions about women’s experiences of MMA, a more nuanced image of these 295
statistics can be portrayed.
296 297
The quantitative approach 298
The quantitative results are based on an electronic survey distributed to members of the 299
Norwegian MMA Federation (NMMAF). The aim of the survey was to map who 300
participated in Norwegian MMA and their motives for participation. The sample 301
consisted of a random group of members in Norwegian MMA clubs associated with the 302
NMMAF. At the time of the data collection 67 clubs were registered in NMMAF, of 303
which 43 clubs volunteered to participate in the survey. Five clubs declined to participate 304
and 19 clubs never responded to the invitation to do so. The survey was conducted in the 305
autumn of 2016. A total of 484 respondents were included in the analysis, making the 306
response rate 74%, a fairly high rate for an electronic survey (Tufte, 2018). One of the 307
reasons for the high response rate in this survey could be that Nordic MMA is an under- 308
examined field, meaning that the members of Norwegian MMA clubs could be more 309
positively inclined to participate in research/surveys than sports that are more commonly 310
exposed to research activities.
311
The variable measuring of MMA participation is divided into days per week (survey 312
question: In an average week: how many days per week do you participate in MMA 313
training?), with the numbers 1-7 representing the number of days per week. The same 314
applies to the variable measuring of the physical activity level in general (Survey 315
question: In an average week: how many days per week are you physically active or 316
participate in sport continuously for 30 minutes or more?). The age variable and the 317
MMA experience (How many years have you trained in MMA?) variable are both 318
measured in number of years. The response alternatives measuring education were 319
divided in degrees to match the Norwegian education system, with the higher education 320
variable (table 1) coded with two values, where 1 = academic degree at university level 321
and 0 = no education above secondary school. There are four naturally dichotomous 322
variables in the quantitative analyses: 1) mixed-sex training group variable, 2) the 323
competitive athlete variable, 3) the previous combat sport experience variable and 4) the 324
gender variable. The mixed-sex training group variable is coded with 1 = My MMA club 325
trains in mixed sex training groups, and 0 = My MMA club trains in gender separated 326
training groups. The competition/competitive variable is coded with the values 1 = I 327
compete in MMA, and 0 = I do not compete in MMA/I only train recreationally. The 328
combat sport experience variable has the values 1 = Yes, I have experience from other 329
combat sports, 0 = No, I have no experience from other combat sports. Lastly, the gender 330
variable is coded with 1 = men and 0 = women.
331
The respondents were recruited through email lists provided by the MMA clubs. Each 332
respondent was sent an email with information about the purpose of the study and a 333
personalised link to the survey itself. The survey is registered with the Norwegian Centre 334
for Research Data (NSD) and follows the ethical guidelines for survey research in 335
Norway.
336
337
The qualitative approach 338
A total of 12 female fighters were interviewed in four individual interviews and two focus 339
groups (with four participants in each). The focus group interviews lasted approximately 340
two hours and the individual interviews about an hour each. Most of the interviews except 341
one, which was conducted by telephone, were conducted face-to-face in office milieus.
342
One focus group was held in a combat clubhouse and the other at a café next to the combat 343
sports club. All the conversations were semi-structured and included questions about the 344
informants’ sporting experiences, reasons for choosing a combat sport as a sporting 345
activity, responses from family members and friends and whether they had any 346
experience of gender discrimination. The informants were between 18-55 years of age 347
and the oldest women was no longer an active fighter, but involved at an organisational 348
level and as a leader in a club.
349
The informants had different backgrounds. Two were born outside Sweden in another 350
Nordic country and had moved to Sweden to study, one as a student teacher and the other 351
as a medical student. Another informant was a law student. One informant worked as a 352
social worker, one worked for a sports organisation, one was unemployed and another 353
had taken time out from her work to focus on becoming a professional fighter. The other 354
informants worked as physiotherapists, administrators, office workers and consultants.
355
The informants were also differently merited as fighters: one was as relative a newcomer 356
with only a few months of experience, while other informants were experienced at a high 357
national and international level. Most of the informants had also tried other combat sports, 358
such as Brazilian jiu-jitsu or submission wrestling.
359 360
In the analytical process the overall ambition of using qualitative data has been to find 361
and make visible norms and perceptions of the ideal combat athlete or fighter and what 362
they ought to be, feel and look like etc. Inspired by the work of Wetherell and Edley, 363
different ideals and norms were identified and, with Connell’s work in mind, the idea was 364
to critically analyse their ‘inherent’ dilemmas and contradictions (Connell, 1983, 2005;
365
Edley, 2001a; Wetherell and Edley, 1999). Of special interest in this paper is how the 366
informants’ narratives can be linked to terms of gendered power and processes of 367
inclusion/exclusion. Therefore, the qualitative results are focused on ‘positive’ and 368
‘negative’ factors for participation in, or dropout from, the combat sports milieu.
369 370
Results and findings
371
Our mixed method approach navigates the layout of the results and the following 372
discussion. The results/findings and the discussion revolve around three areas: First, 373
which qualitative and quantitative results point in the same direction, i.e. what common 374
or convergent conclusions can be drawn from the respective data? Second, how does the 375
data complement each other? Third, does the qualitative and quantitative data contradict 376
each other, and if so how? (cf. Östlund et al., 2011).
377 378
Participation patterns in MMA 379
The quantitative results are presented in three tables (tables 1, 2 and 3). Table 1 presents 380
some general characteristics about who participates in Norwegian MMA, while tables 2 381
and 3 analyse the characteristics of female and male participants separately.
382 383
Variable N Min Max Mean Std.dev.
Age 484 14 57 27.24 1.47
MMA participation 484 1 7 4.12 .995
MMA experience 484 1 26 3.66 3.37
Physical activity 484 1 7 5.93 .765
Dummy variables N Obs. 0 Obs. 1 Percentage 0 Percentage 1
Gender 484 45 439 9.3 90.7
Higher education 484 293 191 60.6 39.3
Mixed-sex training 484 21 463 4.45 95.5
Competitive 484 396 88 82.1 17.9
Experience combat sport 484 156 328 32.3 67.7
Table 1: Descriptive statistics MMA participation in Norway 384
385
9.3% of the MMA participants in the survey are women (n = 45), while 90.7% of the 386
participants are men (n = 439). The low participation rate of women concurs with 387
previous studies of combat sport in the Nordic countries (Stenius, 2015; Hovden and 388
Tjønndal, 2017). The results also reflect the findings of studies of participation in combat 389
sports in other geographical locations (Channon and Jennings, 2013; 2014). Furthermore, 390
table 1 indicates that the youngest participant is 14 years of age, while the oldest is 57.
391
The average age amongst the Norwegian MMA participants is 27 years of age (min = 14, 392
max = 57, mean = 27.24). The MMA participation variable indicates that participants in 393
Norwegian MMA clubs train MMA on average 4 days a week (min = 1, max = 7, mean 394
= 4.12) and are physically active on average 5 days a week (min = 1, max 7, mean = 5.93).
395
The MMA experience variable shows that the participants range greatly in experience, 396
from 1 year to 26 years, with the average experience being 3.6 years (mean = 3.66). The 397
education variable demonstrates that 60.6% of the participants have no academic degree 398
above secondary school (n = 293), while 39.3% (n = 191) have completed some level of 399
higher education. The competition/competitive variable shows that only 17.9% of the 400
participants compete actively in MMA (n = 88), while 82.1% train MMA for recreational, 401
social or health reasons (n = 396). The mixed-sex training variable shows that the majority 402
train in mixed-sex training groups (95.5%). Lastly, the experience with combat sports 403
variable demonstrates that 67.7% had experience of other combat sports before they 404
started training in MMA (n = 328), while 32.3% had no previous experience with combat 405
sports (n = 156).
406 407
Variable N Min Max Mean Std.dev.
Motivation: Health 45 3 5 4.12 .649
Motivation: Social 45 2 5 3.36 .859
Motivation: Intrinsic/fun 45 4 5 4.57 .501
Motivation: Performance 45 2 5 3.78 1.02
Dummy variable N Obs. 0 Obs. 1 Percentage 0 Percentage 1
Higher education 45 23 22 51.1 48.8
Competitive 45 42 3 95.0 5.0
Experience combat sport 45 24 21 52.5 47.5
Table 2: Descriptive statistics female MMA participants 408
409
Looking at the female participants (n = 45), 48.8% have a higher academic degree (n = 410
22), while 51.1% have no higher education (n = 23). Only three of the female participants 411
compete in MMA (5%). 47.5% of the female participants have previous experience of 412
other combat sports (n = 21).
413
In the gender separated analysis we included four motivation variables from the survey.
414
These variables represent questions related to the respondents’ motivations for 415
participating in MMA. The motivation variables were based on a variety of statements in 416
which the respondents were asked to rate their agreement on a scale from 1 = I disagree 417
strongly, 2 = I disagree, 3 = neither disagree nor agree, 4 = I agree, 5 = I agree strongly.
418
The statement used for the health motivation variable was I participate in MMA to keep 419
in shape, stay fit and healthy and the statement for the social motivation variable was I 420
participate in MMA because it’s a place for me to meet and socialise with my friends.
421
The statement used for the intrinsic motivation variable was I participate in MMA 422
because it is fun! Finally, the statement for the performance motivational variable was I 423
participate in MMA in order to develop as a fighter, compete and win fights and titles.
424
The female participants scored highest on the intrinsic/fun variable (mean = 4.57) and the 425
health variable (mean = 4.12), and lowest on the social variable (mean = 3.36), meaning 426
that health and fun represent the most two important reasons for engagement in 427
Norwegian MMA clubs, while socialising/meeting friends appears to be the least 428
important reason for participation.
429
Variable N Min Max Mean Std.dev.
Motivation: Health 439 1 5 4.18 .751
Motivation: Social 439 1 5 3.46 1.04
Motivation: Intrinsic/fun 439 1 5 4.56 .701
Motivation: Performance 439 1 5 4.16 .945
Dummy variable N Obs. 0 Obs. 1 Percentage 0 Percentage 1
Higher education 439 330 109 75.1 24.9
Competitive 439 354 85 80.61 19.39
Experience combat sport 439 130 309 29.61 70.39
Table 3: Descriptive statistics for male MMA participants 430
431
Comparing the male participants to the female participants there is a substantial difference 432
in terms of education. Only 24.9% of the male participants have an academic degree (n = 433
109). There is also a difference in terms of competitive participation. Amongst the men, 434
19.39% actively compete in MMA (n = 85). A greater proportion of the male participants 435
have also had previous experience of combat sports (70.39%, n = 309). In terms of 436
motivation, the male and the female participants are fairly similar. The male participants 437
also score highest on health and intrinsic motivation, while social motivation has the 438
lowest score. However, the male participants score higher on performance motivation 439
than the women.
440
Voicing women’s experiences of MMA as a heterogenic milieu 441
We now turn to the qualitative data of our study, where the focus is on female fighters’
442
experiences. These results confirm that the MMA milieu is a heterogeneous area with 443
women (in a minority position) and men of different ages from different ethnic and 444
educational backgrounds training and sparring either against each other or side by side.
445
The females described male co-members as helpful, that they all felt welcome and that 446
the club’s board and coaches also supported initiatives to attract more women to the club.
447
Some informants described the clubroom as a second home, which they visited at 448
lunchtime for gym training (e.g. weight lifting) or in the afternoon for a training session.
449
The sport as such is described as individualised, where people can practise and compete 450
at their own level. Even though MMA is an individual sport, the informants said that their 451
training partners became ‘team-mates’ and that the MMA club was a community in which 452
they spent a lot of time and travelled to competitions together.
453
When asked what a typical fighter was like, the informants all said that there was no such 454
thing as a ‘typical’ practitioner. Prejudice about the ‘crude fighter’ was not confirmed and 455
those who ‘just wanted to fight’, which emerged in one of the focus groups, usually 456
disappeared after about 6 months or a year. The initial training sessions focused on 457
somersaults, tumbling techniques and other physical exercises that did not involve 458
violence or fighting but were more about safety and smoothness. This meant that the 459
female fighters had different body sizes and were committed to the sport for different 460
reasons. According to the informants, one reason for this diversity was that MMA was a 461
relatively cheap sport to participate in compared to other sports. These narratives 462
complement our quantitative data, which indicates that the majority of MMA 463
practitioners are either students or have low levels of education and are therefore likely 464
to have limited economic resources for leisure activities such as sport (see table 1).
465
Despite these narratives of combat sports as a heterogenic and inclusive milieu with men 466
and women sparring and practising side by side, more critical voices exemplified how the 467
male version of the sport, i.e. the sport as practised by men, was regarded as a norm. The 468
females narrated, for example, that men’s MMA was conceived as more valued than 469
women’s and that a hierarchy was apparent both in the media and in competitions. For 470
example, the prize money was higher for men due to the fact that there were more contests 471
and weight classes for men to choose from.
472
Motives for participating in MMA 473
The informants’ reasons for involvement in MMA nuances our statistic data. At a general 474
level, MMA was perceived as fun and increasing self-esteem. One informant expressed 475
that she wanted to win and be the best, and how ‘lovely it is to see when the opponent 476
grimaces and writhes in pain’. Another participant said that ‘it is lovely to sweat’ and that 477
the training resulted in a better posture and stronger body. Some of the participants had 478
chosen MMA because they did not like team sports. Another reason that some of the 479
informants talked about was that combat sports enabled them to experience their own 480
strengths and weaknesses and showed them how important it was to have respect for an 481
opponent’s and your own psyche and body.
482
The qualitative findings reveal a more nuanced image of women’s motives for 483
participating in MMA. While these quotes illustrate that health and fitness are important 484
motives for MMA participation, as is the case with the quantitative results (see table 1), 485
they also highlight that some women are motivated by performance and competition 486
goals; something that was not prevalent in the quantitative results.
487
The informants also seem to relate to stereotypes of women and femininity. As one 488
informant puts it, ‘I don’t wear make-up or earrings, it’s good, because then I don’t have 489
to remove these things before the training sessions, they are just in the way anyway’. This 490
could be interpreted as indicating that the MMA (or combat sports) per se breaks with or 491
challenges certain types of imagined femininity (with earrings and make-up), as other 492
scholars have noted in earlier research (e.g. Stenius, 2015; Kavoura et. al. 2018). Later 493
during the interview the same informant returned to the make-up topic and repeated that 494
she did not use it and did not care what others thought about that. She continued by saying, 495
‘but then, at the closing ceremony I used make-up and everybody reacted and said “wow, 496
damn you are looking good!”’. This exemplifies how female MMA practitioners have to 497
balance femininity (e.g. expectations of being a woman) with their role as a fighter 498
(athlete) and navigate their ‘alternative’ femininity (Channon and Phipps, 2017).
499
This episode is interesting because the informant challenges a femininity norm but also 500
confirms it (make-up on a woman makes you look nicer and attractive, in this case to 501
young men). Being ‘attractive’ to the (heterosexual) male gaze can also be said to be a 502
central aspect of the hegemony of masculinity (Connell, 2005). Another informant took 503
a more radical position and emphasised that she never wore any make-up or earrings.
504
This positioning, which complements and broadens the complexity of women’s MMA, 505
is developed in the section below.
506
The ‘freak’ – notions from the surroundings 507
We asked for experiences from the ‘surroundings’ and how, for example, friends reacted 508
when they heard that the informant was involved in combat sports. In one of the focus 509
groups, one of the women, who was also a medical student, opened up and talked about 510
her experiences of breaking with the more traditional norms of femininity: ‘There’s so 511
many things, my tattoos, that I’m living with another woman, my body language, my 512
clothes, my ethnic background… (pause)… I think the other students regard me as a 513
‘freak’.’ As the informant tells the story, another says that many of her acquaintances are 514
surprised when she describes her sporting activity: ‘They say things like “oh, not you!?
515
Why are you doing that? It’s dangerous!” But I like the sport and when we go to town I 516
sometimes act as a bodyguard for my friends’.
517
Not all, but some of the informants’ experiences reveal some kind of negotiation between 518
different ideals or norms of femininity. Previous research has also highlighted this 519
phenomenon, for example when the sporting female in an attempt to develop a strong and 520
successful body ‘risks’, or as a result of the training, shapes a body that challenges the 521
normative perceptions of what a female body should look like and how it should perform 522
(Sisjord and Kristiansen, 2009; Choi, 2003; Gill, 2007; Grogan et al., 2004).
523
Another thing that relates to this theme, and that was discussed in one of the focus groups 524
and two of the individual interviews, is the feeling of being able to do things with your 525
body that you were unable to do before taking up combat sport. Somersaults, tumbles and 526
different kinds of flexibility, such as doing the splits, were mentioned, but also the joy of 527
sweating without caring what others thought. However, on the other hand, one informant 528
said in the interview that she was not comfortable with sweating in front of men or 529
practising with them, but preferred the club’s female training sessions. This leads us to 530
the final section on the qualitative results.
531
The contradictory content of mixed-sex training sessions 532
Several of the women articulated that in general their experiences of practising combat 533
sports with men were positive. As sparring partners men gave them tips and tricks about 534
how to improve their skills, minimise injuries through better falling techniques and 535
thereby become better and more successful as competitive fighters. But some informants 536
did not agree with this. An informant in one of the focus groups said that she was not 537
comfortable with sweating or letting men grab or throw her and that initially she had the 538
same feeling about other women touching and grabbing her body during training: ‘I don’t 539
know, it was just a strange feeling with another women lying on me, grubbing around 540
(laughter), but now I’m used to it’.
541
The informants were conscious about this and that the sport’s character of close physical 542
contact did not appeal to everybody. They had all seen many women as well as men 543
dropping out, presumably due to this uncomfortable body contact. Some informants also 544
related to the borders of the comfort zone in relation to the mixed-sex training sessions 545
and said that there was always a risk that men would access ‘parts’ of the body, but that 546
during training they just ‘saw a body’ without any other intentions.
547
Some of the informants thus perform a counter-hegemonic action as fighting females that 548
challenges men’s monopoly of being aggressive, fighting, sweating etc. However, as 549
mentioned above, all the informants were not comfortable about performing such 550
activities and the mixed-sex (progressive) session seemed to include a dropout factor.
551
This can also be linked to the quantitative results, which indicate that male practitioners 552
of MMA are far more engaged in competing in MMA than female practitioners. The 553
results from the quantitative survey indicate that while only 5% of the female respondents 554
compete in MMA, almost 20% of the male participants are engaged in competitive MMA 555
fighting (see tables 2 and 3).
556
Discussion and conclusion
557
Our quantitative results indicate that women represent a small minority and a 558
marginalised group of MMA participants in the Nordic countries. Amongst the 559
Norwegian survey participants, only 9.3% were women. Gender balance in sport 560
participation in the Nordic countries is similar, which gives us reason to hypothesise that 561
there may be similar trends in MMA participation rates in Sweden, Denmark, Finland 562
and Iceland. However, quantitative data on MMA participation in the other Nordic 563
countries is needed to confirm (or debunk) this hypothesis. Additionally, women in MMA 564
have less experience of other combat sports compared to male MMA practitioners. Of the 565
female MMA practitioners, 47.5% had experience with other combat sports, while 70.4%
566
of the men had combat sport experience. The women also have a far higher level of 567
education than the men. Amongst the women in the sample, 48.8% had a university 568
degree, compared to only 25% of the men.
569
Furthermore, the quantitative data shows that women participating in MMA compete less 570
and are less motivated by performance enhancement (developing as fighters, winning 571
fights/tournaments/titles) than male participants. However, both male and female 572
participants value health and fun as the most important reasons for their participation in 573
MMA training groups. Contrary to this data, which in a way confirms a stereotypical 574
image of women as less competitive and more socially oriented than men, one of the 575
informants expressed a strong commitment to becoming a professional MMA fighter.
576
She, like other women in her training group, participated in ‘big’ international 577
competitions with prize money and had, at the time of the interview, chosen to invest 578
wholeheartedly in earning a living from MMA. This informant can be interpreted as a 579
representative of the 5% of women (in the quantitative data) who are competitive MMA 580
athletes.
581
Our qualitative results confirm the quantitative, but can also be seen as complementing 582
and nuancing them. MMA women have the potential to act as female role models through 583
their counter-hegemonic negotiation of norms and views of ‘traditional’ femininity and, 584
more specifically, the perception of femininity as something fragile and passive (cf. Gill, 585
2007). Individual’s emotions of being comfortable with sweating, grabbing, punching, 586
kicking and throwing with other women (and men) are examples that complement and 587
nuance our quantitative data. These dimensions of MMA can also be regarded as 588
emancipative and progressive, in that they broaden the traditional views of females and 589
femininity.
590
Both the quantitative and qualitative data show MMA’s progressive potential for women.
591
However, our qualitative data complements this image with women’s experiences of 592
practising MMA in everyday life. Men and masculinities dominate in different ways, but 593
exclusion and inclusion seem to go hand in hand, representing two sides of the same coin.
594
Here it is also important to emphasise, which is rarely mentioned in previous research, 595
that women taking part in an activity (such as MMA) that is permeated by men and 596
masculinities as hegemonic can still develop self-confidence, personal development and 597
express ‘alternative’ femininities. Thus, the hegemonic ‘system’ can be said to contain 598
both progressive and destructive aspects. In other words, if we consider the Nordic MMA 599
arena as a male hegemony, our results can be interpreted in terms of what Connell (2005) 600
calls the contradictive content or inherent dilemma of hegemony. This means, that being 601
marginalised or subordinated does not necessarily mean an exclusive 602
marginalisation/subordination, but could imply simultaneous aspects of emancipation and 603
progression. At least some of the female informants’ narratives indicate this.
604
The most important contribution of the qualitative data that our quantitative survey did 605
not capture is how women negotiate their femininity between the female stereotypes of 606
sport on the one hand and society on the other. It was possibly the male interviewer who 607
raised the narratives about earrings, make-up, clothes and tattoos and how others 608
perceived these MMA women, but their narratives express how MMA offers a comfort 609
zone for developing an athletic femininity in which femininity is never questioned but 610
where bodily competence is in focus. This dilemma has been identified by previous 611
research and is in line with McCaughey’s (1997) ‘physical feminism’, which claims that 612
women should engage more extensively in physical activity, employ more physical 613
contact power and appreciate the emotional pleasure of hitting, screaming and kicking.
614
Such physical feminism challenges traditional ideals of women that, for example, teach 615
women to be passive and beautiful objects.
616
An interesting finding from the qualitative analysis, which (at least to our knowledge) has 617
not come to light in the previous research on MMA, is how the mixed training sessions 618
build on women’s trust in their male training partners. The interviewed women argue that 619
there is always a risk that men (and women) will touch and access ‘sensitive’ parts of 620
their bodies during exercising, and that familiarising yourself with the way you touch 621
others and how others touch you during MMA training sessions represents a unique 622
learning process, since people do not normally touch each other in this way in modern 623
society. In this sense, a negotiation of the woman’s body occurs as either a kind of 624
sexualised object or an active and ‘neutral’ training partner. Here it would be interesting 625
to follow up with interviews of men’s experiences of these training situations in mixed- 626
sex training groups in MMA and other combat sports.
627
The purpose of this paper has been to examine female participation in MMA in the Nordic 628
countries with the specific aim of investigating how processes of inclusion and exclusion 629
are expressed and carried out in knockout-based combat sports. A clear limitation of the 630
present study is that the analysed data only represents two of the five Nordic countries.
631
However, the study represents a first step towards acquiring more knowledge about 632
Nordic women’s experiences of MMA and other combat sports. As highlighted earlier in 633
the paper, there is a gap in the established field of women and combat sports concerning 634
participation in MMA in the Nordic countries.
635
By employing a mixed method approach, the paper shows a broad image of this 636
phenomenon and the complexity of its progressive and problematic aspects. Although 637
Norway and Sweden can be considered as relatively gender equal countries, this study 638
shows that men still dominate combat sports and MMA. However, this does not seem to 639
prevent (some) women from participating and growing in self-confidence and self- 640
esteem, which the combat sporting activities seem to contribute to. The perceived reasons 641
for exclusion are that combat sports are not for everyone, especially those who are not 642
comfortable with hard physical contact that involves touching sensitive parts of the body.
643
The study has further shown that some informants negotiate between a ‘societal’
644
femininity ideal and a combat sport femininity ideal, which to a large extent confirms the 645
findings of previous research outside the Nordic region.
646
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