A place among the others
An investigation of the concept of symbolic violence towards people with mild intellectual
disabilities in the Norwegian workforce
Lars Ivar Leira Kristiansen
Masterprogram: Fordypning i utviklingshemming 40 studiepoeng
Institutt for spesialpedagogikk Det utdanningsvitenskapelige fakultet
14.11.20
Abstract
Symbolic violence is violence wielded with tacit complicity between its victims and its agents, as far as both remain unconscious of submitting to or wielding it.
- Pierre Bourdieu (1999)
Background and topic
The statistical decrease in work participation amongst people with mild intellectual
disabilities (ID) in the Norwegian workforce appears to draw a picture of a society in which fewer can acquire the necessary skills to be accepted into society through work participation.
At the same time, political and judicial guidelines, such as the Norwegian workfare policy (Arbeidslinja), the CRPD convention, the Working Environment Act, and Equality and Anti- Discrimination Act, each describe how people with disabilities are meant to receive
assistance in accessing equal work opportunities on equal terms as the rest of the population (CRPD, 2019; Lovdata, 2021; lovdata, 2021; Stjernø & Øverbye, 2012). The discrepancy between stated political guidelines and the actual trend in society forms the basis for the investigation in this thesis.
Exclusion from the social order and lack of facilitation can be understood as forms of symbolic violence and, according to Swartz et al. (2018), these are in fact the two most predominant types of symbolic violence perpetrated against people with disabilities
worldwide. In addition, the NOU 2016:17, På lik linje, states that people with ID in Norway are discriminated against in society through exclusion and lack of facilitation in most areas concerning basic human rights (NOU 2016:17). In today's technology-oriented society, it is easy to imagine that the modernization of most production lines could lead to an
environment where fewer people are needed, such that only those with key competencies need to be hired. Still, Norway has clearly defined the goal of including as many people as possible in society through work (Stjernø & Øverbye, 2012).
Making the definitive transition from identifying a lack of successful inclusion of people with ID into the workforce into coercive political actions is still a normative proposal. To seek out potential fallacies in such a proposal, this thesis uses qualitative interviews with premise suppliers for work inclusion in order to open to nuances in the preposition.
Challenging this confrontational concept in such a way is therefore done to give room for alternative views and explanations.
Problem statement
“How do premise suppliers within healthcare, work jurisdiction, and user organizations relate to the concept of symbolic violence when focusing on symbolic violence in the form of exclusion and lack of facilitation for people with mild ID trying to enter the Norwegian workforce?”
Result: Two themes emerged from the analysis: terminology alignment and system
alignment. The first theme, terminology alignment, refers to the extent to which responses from the participants align with the meaning of the term symbolic violence, as defined in this thesis. The result showed a strong polarization within this category, effecting the
preconditions for use and implementation of symbolic violence as a rhetorical tool. System alignment refers to whether the answers align with rules and systems within or point to obstacles and solutions outside the current regulations. The findings within this category had implications for the perceived signs of symbolic violence towards jobseekers with ID and how the participants approached work facilitation.
Conclusion: In line with poststructuralist and postmodern perception of knowledge and knowledge proposals, this thesis argues that, in the current situation, work-seekers with ID can either be defined through a lens of symbolic violence or as service recipients in a compromised position, dependent upon which ideological standpoint one takes. The term symbolic violence seemed to have a polarizing effect on the answers to the research
questions, defining more the outer limits of opinions rather than a common middle ground.
Keywords: phenomenological-hermeneutic, symbolic violence, intellectual disability, premise suppliers.
Method
This is a qualitative study with a phenomenological-hermeneutic approach using semi- structured qualitative interviews of premise suppliers who regulate policies within health care, workplace inclusion, and user organizations that affect the job application process for work seekers with mild intellectual disabilities. Using theories from sociology, discourse theory and pedagogy, the thesis will aim to discuss the implications of the answers from the interviewees with regards to the problem statement, as well as what this means for people with ID.
Preface
The idea for this study first came to me in the spring of 2020 in connection with the home exam in methodology in which I wrote about supported employment and self-efficacy for people with mild intellectual disabilities. That paper gave life to reflections on the current situation for work-seekers with mild intellectual disabilities in Norway. Project planning began in October 2020 and the period since has been exciting, educational, and demanding.
The thesis’ final form developed during the autumn of 2021 upon the basis of the original project plan, and it was in changing supervisors that I found the courage to explore the field in the way I originally intended.
With that, a big thank you to Michael B. Lensing, who took over as supervisor and brought the project back to its original vision, and who was given short notice to help in its
completion. I have received excellent guidance, both in challenging my original ideas and in structuring the analysis. Each of the steps has inspired and helped me rise to the challenge of completing the thesis within the confinement of our available time and resources. Thanks also to Hanne Marie Høybråten Sigstad for guidance in the development of the project plan.
I want to thank the interview persons who agreed to participate in this research project and who shared their lived experiences. Thank you also to the organizations that sent
representatives to help reflect on how to better work conditions for people with intellectual disabilities. Without their contributions, it would not have been possible to carry out this study, as these perspectives have developed my understanding of the topic and have given my practice theory a more solid foundation.
Thanks to my loved ones who have had patience with my many hours of study in the evenings, on weekends, and holidays, especially Chelsea Ranger, who has supported with love and care throughout this entire process. Through sparring with you - your wisdom, skills, and knowledge - my personal and professional confidence has grown stronger. To my parents who have always been there caring and supporting through my life adventures. And, finally, to my lifelong friend and confidant, Petter Jørgensen Thorshaug. Thinking with you has always been one of my favorite pastimes; this process proved itself no different.
Table of Contents
List of Appendices ... 7
1 Introduction ... 8
1.1 Background ... 8
1.2 Theme and purpose ... 10
1.3 Problem statement and research questions ... 11
1.4 Disposition ... 12
2 Conceptual framework ... 13
2.1 The sociocultural and socio-cognitivist learning theories' emphasis on context ... 13
2.2 Intellectual disability and work participation ... 14
2.3 Bourdieu’s critical sociology ... 16
2.4 The problem with symbolic violence ... 17
2.5 Discourse, decoding and ideology ... 18
2.6 Disability studies, ableism, and the ideology of neoliberalism ... 19
2.7 Deterministic worldview and meritocratic logic ... 20
2.8 Postmodern and post-structuralist view on knowledge ... 21
2.9 Norwegian Workfare ("Arbeidslinja") and Equality and Anti-Discrimination Act ... 22
3 Method ... 24
3.1 Research design ... 24
3.2 Qualitative method ... 24
3.3 Qualitative method, phenomenology, and hermeneutics ... 25
3.4 Qualitative interviews ... 28
3.5 Semi-structured interview ... 28
3.6 The practical implementation of the study ... 30
3.6.1 Research ethics. ... 30
3.6.2 Formal ethical requirements ... 31
3.6.3 Interview guide and sample selection... 32
3.6.4 Obtaining written informed consent for interview... 33
3.6.5 Preparation for the interviews ... 33
3.6.6 Conducting the interviews... 33
3.6.7 Processing of data ... 34
3.7 Method discussion ... 35
3.7.1 Relevance of the method ... 35
3.7.2 Reflexivity in research ... 35
3.7.3 Design ... 37
3.7.4 Sample selection ... 37
3.7.5 The analysis ... 38
3.7.6 Validity and reliability ... 38
4 Results ... 41
4.1 General implications of the findings ... 41
4.2 The graphic structuring and representation of the findings ... 42
4.3 Explicit reactions to the term symbolic violence ... 44
4.4 Protection against mentioned forms of symbolic violence ... 47
4.5 Signs of exclusion or lack of facilitation ... 49
4.6 Successful inclusion ... 52
4.7 Summary ... 53
5 Discussion ... 54
5.1 System alignment and protection against symbolic violence ... 54
5.2 Terminology alignment and perceived signs of exclusion and lack of facilitation ... 56
5.3 Successful inclusion and system alignment ... 59
6 Conclusion ... 61
6.1 Future research ... 61
Bibliography ... 63
Word count 20147
List of Appendices
Table 1 p. 26
Table 2 p. 45
Appendix 1, Data management plan p. 70
Appendix 2, Information letter p. 71
Appendix 3, Interview guide p. 72
Appendix 4, Table of Meaning consolidation p. 73
Appendix 5, Approval NSD p. 74
1 Introduction
This chapter presents the background, purpose, and problem statement related to the master's thesis. The chapter ends with an outline of the master thesis in its entirety.
1.1 Background
My personal connection to the topic of this thesis stems from the young adult experience of friendships with individuals who themselves did not hold the prerequisites typically
rewarded in the school system and who thus fell outside established society. It is my hope that, by contributing to the field of special education, I can better facilitate a transition into society for other young adults who face similar obstacles.
Wendelborg et al. (2017) point out that less than 6 percent of people with intellectual disabilities (ID) in Norway are in an ordinary work relationship. Importantly for this thesis, the NOU På lik linje shows lack of facilitation and exclusion as recurring themes that define forms of access to society available for those with intellectual disabilities in Norway (NOU 2016:17).
Structural barriers, such as lack of facilitation and exclusion, can be framed as symbolic violence against job seekers with intellectual disabilities. Swartz et al. (2018) points to the invisibility of disability created by lack of facilitation and exclusion, how such barriers increase the vulnerability of people with disabilities, and eventually how they can be regarded as symbolic violence. Wendelborg's report and the NOU 2016:17 suggest that this problem is particularly prevalent amongst people with intellectual disabilities (NOU
2016:17; Wendelborg et al., 2017). Invisibility partially stemming from lack of facilitation and exclusion creates a synergistic effect that further enhances the symbolic violence of effacement, thus perpetuating further invisibility of people with intellectual disabilities. In addition, sustained invisibility creates circumstances in which other forms of violence that are enacted ever more frequently upon that same segment (Swartz et al., 2018).
In focusing upon forms of social injustice proven to easily fall upon the intellectually
disabled, society can better open for a process of rectification with concern to the problem of effacement and, thereby, make way for a more inclusive society that celebrates diversity instead of shunning disability. To that end, this thesis will attempt to make the topic more easily addressed and discussed through already established and recognized concepts from the
sociological field and earlier social justice causes, such as feminism, cultural studies, and identity politics. It is by first discovering and acknowledging symbolic violence that steps can more easily be taken towards a society with more inclusion and better preconditions for acceptance of what is considered not "normal" in the Norwegian workforce and, therefore, across all components of society.
In today's technology-oriented society, it is easy to imagine that the modernization of most production lines has led and will continue to lead to an environment where fewer people are needed, and only those with key competencies will be hired. Aside from technological advancements, the very nature of the competitive work market might leave people with ID outside the workforce due to the demand for competencies that Norway "needs," which, by definition, those with ID cannot meet. As the level of competencies needed to access the Norwegian work market increase, it is indeed those with intellectual disabilities who are left outside the realm of attaining jobs. Still, Norway has a clearly defined goal of including as many people as possible in society through work (Stjernø & Øverbye, 2012) and the Norwegian policy known as "Arbeidslinja" has upheld the position that the Norwegian population should receive work before welfare.
Intellectual disability (ID) is classified in the ICD-11 as a disorder of intellectual
development that interrupts the possibilities of normal intellectual functioning and normal adaptive behavior. It is a disorder that must have originated during the developmental period, and the intellectual functioning needs to be at least two standard deviations below average (ICD-11, 2021).
ICD-10(11): The International Classification of Diseases is a globally used diagnostic tool for epidemiology, health management and clinical purposes.
Symbolic violence is defined as an advantage that persons and groups exert against others because of their higher status in society's social structure. This advantage includes legally allowable activities that disrupt or influence the democratic flow of civil life in favor of
"higher powers" and against the well-being or rights of citizens or workers can be understood as forms of symbolic violence. By Bourdieu's definition there needs to be no intention of harm for it to be considered symbolic violence (Wilken, 2008).
CRPD Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities is a human rights instrument with an explicit social development dimension. A classification that clarifies qualifies how all categories of rights apply to persons with disabilities (CRPD, 2019).
BPA (Brukerstyrt personlig assistanse) Functional assistance as a scheme that enables disabled people to work in ordinary jobs by the support by personal assistants.
VTA (Varig tilrettelagt arbeid) A permanent adapted work option adapted for persons who are granted disability pension and who can work if tasks are especially adapted to their situation. Permanent adapted work can be offered in sheltered or ordinary businesses.
1.2 Theme and purpose
The theme of the master's thesis is symbolic violence in relation to the challenged ability of people with mild intellectual disabilities to attain jobs. Approximately 6 percent of the population with ID in Norway is engaged in permanently adapted work in ordinary businesses (VTA) and 24 percent in permanently adapted work in sheltered businesses, which is a stark decline from the 40 percent that existed in 2010 (Tilgang til arbeid- og aktivitet for utviklingshemmede i Norge, 2019). In addition, according to the study by England and Langballe (2020), the percentage of those with ID not registered with any occupational engagement, including day care, is 53 percent, an increase in from 11,7 percent in 2010 (Engeland et al., 2021).
Norway has ratified the CRPD convention, which states that employment definitions for people with intellectual disabilities need to be inclusive and supportive, and that workplaces must provide reasonable accommodations (CRPD, 2019). These imperatives are founded in an understanding of the fact that work is a meaningful activity that impacts health, quality of life, and well-being (Fleming et al., 2013). It is for the greater good that the trend in
Norwegian society of increasing exclusion of those with ID from meaningful activities is both examined and evaluated, with the support of varied perspectives and the use of central terminologies that are intended to uncover hidden forms of discrimination not yet in social focus or awareness.
The purpose of the master's thesis is, therefore, to investigate the perspectives held by different premise suppliers for work participation for people with mild intellectual
disabilities in Norway, and to compare those perspectives to the logic surrounding symbolic
violence. By interviewing different representatives of the support system who are promoting work inclusion for people with intellectual disability, this thesis seeks to attain a nuanced overview of both the challenges that come with inclusion, as well as the applicability of the term symbolic violence to describe the context.
1.3 Problem statement and research questions
This thesis will address symbolic violence in the contexts of exclusion of and lack of facilitation for people with mild intellectual disability (ID) unable to enter the Norwegian workforce. The purpose of the research is to test the validation and appropriateness of the value-loaded, normative expression symbolic violence in connection with the lack of participation of people with mild ID in either ordinary paid labor or supported employment in Norway. I aim to shed light on the topic through a semi-structured qualitative interview encompassing the following exploratory problem statement:
How do premise suppliers within healthcare, work jurisdiction, and user
organizations relate to the concept of symbolic violence when focusing on symbolic violence in the form of exclusion and lack of facilitation for people with mild ID trying to enter the Norwegian workforce?
To further specify the problem statement, I will include subsequent research questions:
• How are people with a mild intellectual disability protected against the mentioned forms of symbolic violence when trying to enter the Norwegian workforce?
• What are signs of these forms of symbolic violence perpetrated against this group in the Norwegian workforce?
• What do successful inclusion and supportive facilitation look like for people with mild intellectual disability in the workforce or facilitated work alternatives?
The delimitations of the paper will consist of:
• Exclusively the two forms of symbolic violence: exclusion and lack of facilitation.
• Challenges regarding work participation in the ordinary workforce or in the ordinary version of the VTA-scheme, for people with intellectual disability
• The diagnostic category "mild intellectual disability."
1.4 Disposition
The master's thesis consists of 5 chapters. In Chapter 1, Introduction, the background of the thesis is presented, including purpose and theme, as well as the problem statements. Chapter 2, Conceptual framework, explains the theoretical and conceptual framework that structures the paper. The method and design are described in Chapter 3. In Chapter 4, the results and are presented and in chapter 5 the results are discussed in consideration of the theoretical framework of the thesis. Chapter 6 deals with concluding reflections and considerations on future research.
2 Conceptual framework
This chapter will present the theoretical framework used in the master's thesis. Maxwell (2013) explains the theoretical framework as a theoretical view of what one plans to study.
The epistemological framework of the thesis is one of hermeneutic phenomenology; it is used as a tool to try to understand some of the objections and nuances to the concept of symbolic violence. The empirical data from the interviews will be analyzed considering theories from pedagogy and sociology.
2.1 The sociocultural and socio-cognitivist learning theories' emphasis on context
According to theorists George Herbert Mead, Lev Vygotsky, and Albert Bandura, social context is crucial for both learning and developing identity. Mead's (1934) theory of symbolic interactionism is characterized by recognizing people as meaning-creating agents engaged in social interactions and contexts. Within the theory of symbolic interactionism, the concept of the generalized ‘other’ has a central position. Mead (1934) claims that it is only through reading the reactions of others to one's own actions that one can form a self- image. According to Mead, the self consists of a socially constructed "me," accessed through the reactions of others, and an impulse driven "I," responsible for the creative expression of the "me" (Mead, 1934). Taking this concept into consideration emphasizes the value of context for forming a meaningful self-image and, thereby, also the need to be included in a meaningful social context for the creation of self-value and a life purpose. Consequentially, a positive experience of oneself is dependent on being situated in an environment where individuals have a positive and respectful reaction to each other's actions, an environment that both challenges and gives the possibility to develop.
Similarly, renowned learning theorist Lev Vygotsky (1896-1934) emphasizes the importance of a social context as the basis for all learning and knowledge. His sociocultural learning theories anchor all knowledge as part of a sociocultural context. In line with such an understanding, all knowledge is the result of some cultural contextual interaction, and all meaning is created because of, and in the errand of, social interaction (Vygotsky et al., 1978). Therefore, one is expected to find a deeper degree of self-realization, learning, and meaning within a successful context of collaboration with others, an example of which would be a successful working relationship (Imsen, 2014).
Albert Bandura is referred to as a social cognitivist theorist. In his triadic reciprocal
causation model, the three elements of environment, behavior, and interpersonal work in an interplay with affective and biological events to give causal agents a subjective belief in what they are capable of mastering and thus also what they are motivated to try. In the social-cognitivist theory, this phenomenon is called self-efficacy (Bandura, 1997). In this sense, Bandura's theories also underline the importance of context as basis for meaning.
What these theories have in common is the importance of attaining a position within the social order to be able to develop as a person, to learn, and to develop skills and knowledge.
Furthermore, Norway's post-education societal structure is constructed upon the roles of jobs and participation in working life. Thus, the opportunity and ability to acquire a job, seen in the light of the aforementioned theories, has significant consequences on quality of life.
2.2 Intellectual disability and work participation
A diagnosis of intellectual disability is understood through a test of cognitive abilities, an observation of interaction with peer groups (adaptive skills), and in basic criteria, such as the fact that neurodevelopmental disorders must have begun during the developmental stage of the person's life (0-18). The process of assessment and diagnosis is typically carried out by a multidisciplinary team often consisting of pediatricians, neurologists, social workers, and special-need pedagogues (Carr, 2016). It is estimated that between one and three percent of the population has an intellectual disability and that approximately 85 percent of those individuals have a mild form (Wendelborg et al., 2017). The normal distribution of intelligence will place approximately two percent of the population below two standard deviations below the average intelligence quotient (IQ), meaning 69 in FSIQ score or lower (Carr, 2016). However, because additional criteria are included in the diagnosis, not all will be characterized as having an intellectual disability.
In relational models of disability, better known as the Nordic Model or, similarly, the
AAIDD support model, the focus is on the interaction between the individual's preconditions and the external environment (Carr, 2016). These models claim that it is through the
interaction with the environment, in the gap between the personal competencies and the environment’s demands, that a disability arises. One example would be how a person in a wheelchair is disabled in the face of a staircase, but in a situation where the staircase is replaced by a lift, the disability ceases to exist. The point therein is that disability is related
and connected to the characteristics of the person, the environment, and the situation (NOU 2016:17). This relational model of disability is also the basis for the CRPD convention and the Equality and Anti-Discrimination Act (CRPD, 2019; lovdata, 2021).
Unlike other disabilities, people with intellectual disabilities are typically not disabled due to physical conditions or barriers, but only in the face of more complex everyday tasks, for example in the act of acquiring and keeping a job (NOU 2016:17). In Norway, it is estimated to be as many as 115 000 persons with intellectual disabilities, 85 percent of whom are characterized as having a mild intellectual disability (NOU 2016:17; Wendelborg et al., 2017). ICD-11 describes the social functioning of people with mild intellectual disabilities in the following: "Most master basic self-care, domestic, and practical activities. Persons affected by a mild disorder of intellectual development can generally achieve relatively independent living and employment as adults but may require appropriate support." (ICD-11, 2021, p.).
Wells et al. (2018) highlights experiences and benefits for employers that have chosen to employ people with intellectual disabilities. The results show many positive outcomes: a more positive work environment; an increased sense of teamwork among the staff; a shift in perspective in which employers recognize the importance of a positive work environment and further inspire more hard-working employees; employees with ID contributed to better businesses by filling important roles; businesses retained community support due to their pro-social endeavors; and employment coaches successfully aided employees with ID in learning tasks. In addition, the report underscored a high sense of work ethic within the group of employees with ID, which, in turn, led to higher sense of colleague work ethic (Wells et al., 2018). As a conclusion, positive benefits came from increasing the diversity in the staff, thus underscoring the fact that any employers in doubt about hiring employees with ID should seek education about what ID means and shift their perspective towards diversity.
Implied is the conception that, through support access, the promotion of strong management, and the employment of people with ID even as a trial, employers would realize that, not only is it possible to hire people with ID, but it could also be beneficial for the business (Wells et al., 2018). Similar results are expressed in Stephen Frosts (2014) work, “The Inclusion Imperative”. Such a viewpoint further indicates that many of the current difficulties that people with mild ID face in finding work could be better addressed by introducing a shift in perspective and attitude amongst employers.
2.3 Bourdieu’s critical sociology
Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002) was one of the most influential researchers of the 20th century.
Today, his concepts of habitus, capital, and symbolic power/violence, inspire researchers and students across a wide range of disciplines, and his socially critical work is consistently the starting point for important discussions about globalization, social inequality, and skewed power relations (Wilken, 2008).
Bourdieu was born in Denguin, in southwestern France. He came from a family of farmers, although his father also worked as a postal worker. As a young man, Bourdieu was admitted to the elite school, École Normale Supérieure, in Paris. There, he studied philosophy with, amongst others, Louis Althusser and childhood friend, Jacques Derrida. Together, Bourdieu and Derrida represented the upstarts and outsiders of the French bourgeoisie (Wright, 2015).
As Bourdieu himself has stated, his theories are not components of a great, all-encompassing theory, but instead, should be used as a set of thought-tools that take shape in connection with empirical research. Bourdieu's concepts are developed to understand empirical
conditions and are also part of an interactive dialogue with empiricism. In this way, concepts developed in one context are used in other contexts to develop new facets of those concepts (Wilken, 2008). In line with Bourdieu's exploratory way of using his terminology, this thesis aims to address concepts of power relations and reproduction of social inequality through the use and investigation of the term symbolic violence.
Wilkens (2008) points out how Bourdieu sees all human interaction as part of a relational process, even when that relation is through exclusion. Those relations shape a societal
structure that, in some form, is hierarchical and divided. The model of the social strata shows how people acquire status and power by attributing social value to different forms of capital, such as social capital, cultural capital, symbolic capital, and economic capital. The model also shows how people accept these value additions and the distribution of capital forms as both natural and almost inevitable. Symbolic violence, therefore, lies in the unrecognized gap between the democratic and equal way society could have been structured, and the way that it instead gives privilege to certain arbitrary forms of capital (Bourdieu, 1990).
2.4 The problem with symbolic violence
Symbolic violence is a misrecognized form of skewed balance in power dynamics,
producing and reproducing a dominating class to a point that the class being dominated has little or no possibility of improving their compromised situation. Symbolic violence is founded through an adherence to a structure that the dominated must grant to the dominant, and, therefore, to the domination. Pierre Bourdieu coined the term symbolic violence to overcome the alternative between coercion and consent, and to understand the mechanisms of domination (Wright, 2015). In Bourdieu's view, symbolic violence is exhibited by three components acting simultaneously: ignorance of the arbitrariness of domination; recognition of this domination as legitimate; and internalization of domination by the dominated. A crucial point stressed by Bourdieu is that symbolic violence is not a deliberate action by a hegemonic power, but an unconscious reinforcement of the status quo, seen as the norm by those existing within that social stratification. This point exemplifies that those things that may be defined as symbolic violence can also be done with the best intentions by those in a hegemonic power (Wilken, 2008). According to Bourdieu (1990), the normalization aspect of symbolic violence makes the culture it is rooted in reproduce the discriminatory practices with both legitimacy and recognition from both the dominating and the dominated party, as if the only and inevitable way of the world.
In the competitive workforce, hiring is based upon the levels of competencies that any potential employee might possess. In a society where production value was the only reason for employing citizens, such rationale would be sufficient to constructively shape the
demographic of the workforce. The key point, however, is that Norwegian politics insist that the workforce should be the preferred mode of post-education societal participation, and that any individual who can use their abilities to contribute through work participation, should (Stjernø & Øverbye, 2012). In the policy known as "Arbeidslinja," it is stated that work is the preferred option over welfare, giving social belonging and meaning for all those who can through work (Stjernø & Øverbye, 2012). The closest term in English that resembles the policy of “Arbeidslinja” is Workfare. For the sake of this thesis, I will therefore refer to
“Arbeidslinja” as Norwegian Workfare. Norwegian Workfare implies that, not only should the Norwegian workforce seek to develop and cultivate competencies in order to be able to compete in a competitive market, but also that the workforce must make room for as much variance in competencies and abilities as exists in the spectrum and level of abilities in the
population that wishes to participate in society through work. The basis for the discussion in this thesis is, therefore, surrounding the potential injustice that lies in the fact that there appears to be fewer work positions available for lower cognitive functioning in the Norwegian workforce today than the willingness and desire of such individuals to work.
One issue that challenge the concept of symbolic violence is the general employment rate in Norway are both historically and currently quite good. In 2018 unemployment was at only 3,9 percent (Arbeidsmarkedet i Tall Og Fakta - Arbeidslivet.No, 2021). And even though that is up from 2,47 percent in 2008, it could give the impression that the Norwegian educational and employment system is working both efficiently and well. Especially so for those who can attain access through higher education and who tend to end up in hegemonic power positions responsible for policies governing the job market.
2.5 Discourse, decoding and ideology
Symbolic violence is a value-loaded term, even though Bourdieu emphasizes the fact that symbolic violence does not imply a use of physical power or deliberate attempt to dominate, but an acceptance of an undemocratic status quo that reproduces privileges towards a
dominating class (Wilken, 2008). Bourdieu goes as far as to say that "all pedagogic actions are, objectively, symbolic violence, insofar as they are the imposition of a cultural arbitrary by an arbitrary power." (Bourdieu, 1990). This extended understanding of what violence can include is used by Bourdieu to break with common conceptions of the harmlessness of outcomes related to privileges distributed by power positions, such as teachers, priests, healers, or psychiatrists (Bourdieu, 1990).
The critical nature of the term symbolic violence positions itself antagonistically within an order of discourse, and within a certain ideological-discursive formation within that order of discourse (Fairclough, 2010). Fairclough (2015) encourages us to be aware of formal
features of texts including the value that choice words carry. Recognizing the experiential value of the term symbolic violence might be an important pre-condition for understanding how it can be used and whom might have use for it (Fairclough, 2015). Symbolic violence implies both a directional aspect, a perpetrator, a victim, and abuse of power. This places the term symbolic violence in the tradition of other critical theories like feminism and critical race theory. Most critical theories have in common the project of emancipation of the marginalized and a belief that there are pathological features specific to capitalism that
prevent the self-actualization of many members of society (Wright, 2015). This contextual ideological understanding of the terminology should be considered when evaluating its use and place in the chosen order of discourse, work inclusion.
Another concern that arises when in position of communicating to a larger audience, as all the respondents in this thesis does, is the different rooms of interpretation that rises in the sharing of a message to a large audience. Stuart Hall, one of the founders of cultural studies, illustrated this with his encoding decoding model. His model was a semiotic alternative to the more linear sender – message – recipient model. Hall emphasized the necessity of a cultural anchoring in the audience as a precondition to interpretation of intended meaning (Hagen, 2000). In this sense the applicability of a term depends on a discursive situatedness within the cultural context of the decoders of a meaning structure. Implying that if the decoders of a used term like symbolic violence does not have it as an understandable an established part of their natural discourse the message can lose its meaning and consequently fail to convey the intended message.
2.6 Disability studies, ableism, and the ideology of neoliberalism
Ableism, as defined by Goodley (2014), is a stifling practice associated with a contemporary society that increasingly seeks to promote the "species-typical individual citizen," a citizen that is ready to and able to work and contribute; an atomistic phenomenon, cut off from others, capable, malleable, and compliant (Goodley, 2014, p. 6). Goodley further elaborates that ableism is an ideal that no one ever matches up to, and that it therefore breeds paranoia, confusion, fear, and inadequacy. Ableism's psychological, social, economic, cultural
character normatively: privileges the able-bodied; promotes smooth forms of personhood and smooth health; creates space for normative citizens; encourages an institutional bias towards autonomous, independent bodies; and lends support to economic and material
dependence on neoliberal and hyper-capitalist forms of production (Goodley, 2014). Lending sympathy to the ableist tradition, this thesis emphasizes the parts of the CRPD convention that is created to improve the human rights for people with ID, more specifically in the face of job attainment.
Goodley (2014) further points out that the neoliberal discourse is and antagonistic force to the disability cause promoting what he calls the hyper-normal (Goodley, 2014). Phelan
(2014) describes neoliberalism as a trend where “economic logics have colonized the logic of the social, rendering social, human and planetary life increasingly subordinate to the instrumentalist rationality of the market” (Phelan, 2014, p. 3). Operationalizing the concepts to the practical concerns in this thesis would mean recognizing opinions that prioritize the economic growth imperative before the need for before the inclusion imperative (Frost, 2014; “Growth Imperative,” 2021).
2.7 Deterministic worldview and meritocratic logic
Daniel Markovits (2020) has authored a book about the hidden challenges that come with building a system on meritocratic values. The phrase meritocracy is coined by the British sociologist Michael Young in The Rise of the Meritocracy from 1958 (Markovits, 2020).
Despite that it was initially written as a dystopian futuristic satire, the term has taken on a new, different, and more real meaning than how it was originally coined. Markovits (2020) shows that meritocratic education enables and is privileged towards rich students, that glossy jobs privilege educated workers, and that the feedback loop between training and work ensure that the two forms of privilege support each other and grow together. Markovits points out that such a dynastic quality explains how meritocracies also creates elite casts, high divide in power, and big social inequality. Meritocratic societies, much like
aristocracies, isolate an elite caste from the rest of society and enable that caste to pass its advantages through the generations (Markovits, 2020). This proven divisive nature of the meritocratic system can be seen as an argument for using more variables to structure the intake criteria for admission into the workforce. Also, the natural spectrum of cognitive abilities will always result in a discrimination of those with lower cognitive abilities when faced with a competitive model structured solely after meritocratic principles.
A deterministic worldview implies that the events of the world are all parts of a causal chain, perceiving people as products of the combination of nature and nurture, or genes and
environmental factors. This view states that a person is able to make choices and efforts strictly restricted to what that person has learned, experienced and have the biologic preconditions to preform (Determinism | Definition, Philosophers, & Facts, 2021). This philosophical view further challenges the fairness of the foundations of a meritocracy. When privilege is distributed solely based on merits, the normal distribution of IQ in a population only allows for the upper side of the normal distribution to easily acquire those merits, especially the academic kind. The NOU (2016:17) point out how higher education
increasingly is a precondition for access to work in the Norwegian society and how this challenges people with ID. These
2.8 Postmodern and post-structuralist view on knowledge
The postmodern project within science and research have been one of deconstructing the idea of one singular truth in any given field. The postmodern thought tradition argues for more attention to diversity, seeing this as fundamental rather than superficial. By seeking diverse explanations, rather than unified ones, and by looking for difference, rather than synthesis the postmodernist aimed to bring out the intra-diversities, even within the same culture (Flick, 2014). One such approach is the inductive grounded method approach, that seeks to create new theories from the data that emerges empirically in a qualitative study.
This thesis lends support to both the inductive and the deductive approach, insofar as trying to welcome as wide variety as possible of knowledge proposals from the interview persons.
The deductive element is later applied in an analytical stage where I seek to see these knowledge proposals in connection to other established theories.
Similarly, according to Flick et el. (2014) the post-structuralist way of perceiving knowledge is also based on different interpretations. Works done in the field of cultural studies are often based on such post-structuralist and social constructivist understanding perspectives, by example the way a media production is deduced and understood by revealing the binary logics that are hidden in the cultural values of those “texts”. The epistemological nature of the meanings that crystalizes from such inquiries are always focused on the particular local and historical context that are the foundation for the different research objects (Flick, 2014).
Consequently, the researchers’ ideas, perceptions, our description of problems, and the scientific truths used in his or her scientific work has also risen from a historic context and specific social and political context. This is mentioned to disclaim the brackets that surround the knowledge proposals that this thesis manages to produce, as well as give focus to the social and political background that shapes the responses from the interview persons.
Common to all these qualitative open-ended approaches are still some fundamental
commitments that form the basis for the knowledge proposals produced in any post-modern or post-structuralist tradition. These are that: “the world of the human experience must be studied from the historical and the culturally situated individual. Second, qualitative researchers will persist in working outward from their own biographies to the world of
experience that surround them. Third, scholars will continue to value and to seek to produce works that speak clearly, and powerfully, about these worlds.” (Flick, 2014, p. 581)
2.9 Norwegian Workfare ("Arbeidslinja") and Equality and Anti-Discrimination Act
The conceptual structure of Norwegian Workfare ideology is meant to stimulate individuals to work, rather than living on social security or social assistance. Workfare linked to the positive values of social inclusion, active participation, dignity, and self-respect, and builds on a hegemonic discourse where paid work is a constitutive and normality-creating form of participation into society (Stjernø & Øverbye, 2012).
Stjernø & Øverbye (2012) show how Norwegian Workfare has deep historical roots, seen even in the effect of Christian culture on medieval society by giving work a new cultural value, as a first phase of development. Work was no longer seen as a curse, but instead as a duty and way to show dedication to God. Martin Luther postulated that man served God by committing to his work. Later, in the second phase of development, the association between work motivation and social welfare became an issue that helped to shape Workfare policy.
Based on the "less eligible principle," work should always be a more lucrative option than welfare, as stated in the English Poor Law Amendment Act of 1843. In Norway, the Workfare concept was further developed through political guidelines during the 1930s, which stated that production should be increased through "a positive line of work," which would simultaneously increase working people's ability to fend for the weaker ones in society. In 1945, the political principle of Workfare was brought further through the joint program of the political parties in the statement that "all able-bodied persons shall have the right and duty to work." In the mid-1990s, the fourth and most recent phase was recognized by the policy of the then-ruling Norwegian Labor Party government’s green papers. In one of these such green papers, Workfare policy described the connection between occupational participation and the design of social policy benefits: "Workfare policy means that
instruments and welfare schemes - individually and collectively - are designed, dimensioned, and adapted so that they support the goal of work for all." The Norwegian Labor Party has been the driving force of modern Norwegian Workfare policy development, although other parties have supported it. However, the conservative parties' introduction of cash benefits, and the Socialist Left Party's reluctance to downgrade certain social benefits in favor of
income-generating work, can be seen as deviations from the political consensus around Workfare policy (Stjernø & Øverbye, 2012). The outcome of the public resonance from this protestant work ethic and social democratic work orientation has given political and public consensus to an ideology whereby participation in society through work is the preferred and most desirable option for most people.
Paragraph 22 of the Norwegian Equality and Anti-Discrimination Act states that that employees and jobseekers with disabilities have the right to individual adaptation of the workplace and work tasks to ensure that they can get or keep work, have access to training and other skills development and perform and have the opportunity to progress in the work equally on equal terms as others (lovdata, 2021). The prohibition against discrimination on the grounds of disability applies both in relation to employment and in relation to existing working conditions. This law can be interpreted to mean that people with ID should get facilitation to their disability equivalent to the facilitation a person in wheelchair gets with automatic door openers or elevators. It could mean facilitation that equates to the audio induction loop that people with reduced range of hearing (“Audio Induction Loop,” 2021).
NFU suggest, in line with research done on effect of supported employment, that this should mean the right to have assistance from User-controlled personal assistance (BPA). User- controlled personal assistance is in Norway considered an equality tool. It is an important contribution to ensuring equality and participation in society for people with disabilities. The goal of BPA is to provide the user an opportunity for education, work participation and an independent life (“Brukerstyrt personlig assistanse,” 2021).
3 Method
3.1 Research design
To uncover the informants' own experiences and reflections, a qualitatively descriptive research design with a semi-structured interview was selected. I opted for individual interviews, as I wanted to complete a comparative analysis of the final responses from the interviewees, and it is often easier for individuals to share their thoughts and experiences in individual interviews than in groups.
An interview guide including three main topics and follow-up questions were used. I met the informants with an open mind, while also maintaining a focus on the issues central to the thesis, so that the conversations could be as rich as possible with information that could be used to shed light on the topic, while not deviating from the core aims; the importance of such an approach is emphasized by Malterud (2013). The interview guide was used as a checklist, which I had available when needed.
3.2 Qualitative method
Maxwell (2013) describes the research design for qualitative methods as more flexible than fixed. Therefore, plans need to be aligned with concern to the components of collected data, analyzed data, new threats to validity, and refocusing of research questions; each
simultaneously influences the other and, therefore, ensures that entire process is of a constantly flexible and dynamic form. In Maxwell’s words, the qualitative research design needs constant "tacking" back and forth between the various design elements, assessing their implications on one another. Maxwell illustrates this interactive design process with a model where the research question is at the center of the design, a core hub connecting directly to all the other extending components (Maxwell, 2013).
Table 1
This approach allows for the adjustment of all modules when added information is discovered and thus changes in goals and conceptual framework are required (Maxwell, 2013).
3.3 Qualitative method, phenomenology, and hermeneutics
Cohen (2020) makes a distinction between the subjectivist and objectivist approach to social sciences. The objectivist focuses on what the universal laws of society are, and how do humans conduct themselves within those laws. Whereas a scientific approach to gathering data is in abstractions of reality exemplified through mathematical models and quantitative analysis, the subjectivist approach emphasizes qualitative differences in perceptions that form the basis for people's interactions with the world. An example of subjectivist tradition is the phenomenological, qualitative interview. The strengths of the qualitative include, as Maxwell (2013) points out, is the ability to access the participants’ attached meaning to any specific concept. In addition, the qualitative method allows for an access to the motivations within which participants act, thus allowing for the identification of unanticipated
phenomena and influences; the generation of new "grounded" theories based on the latter;
and the development of causal explanations. Contributing to the subjectivist tradition of social science, this thesis seeks to discover the values and perspectives of people in control of certain premises of the Norwegian workforce. As such, the qualitative interview used to gather empirical data in this context is related to the interpretive hermeneutic paradigm.
The phenomenological aspect of qualitative research is a theoretical point of view that advocates for the study of direct experience taken at face value and sees behavior as determined by the phenomena of experience, rather than by external, objective, and physically described reality (Cohen, 2018). Also, phenomenologists share a common perception of the importance and primacy of the subjective conscious, the significance of understanding how and why participants' knowledge of the situation is acquired, and, most notably for this thesis, the importance of the cultural and social situatedness of actions and interactions, together with participants’ interpretations of situations (Cohen, 2018).
Classifying any act as symbolic violence depends upon the eyes of the perceiver. Making a phenomenological investigation into where different actors might perceive the limits to this coercion to be is, therefore, expected to bring nuance to the terminology. Furthermore, reflecting upon how a lack of facilitation or exclusion in hiring processes could be seen as symbolic violence might affect the perception of the parties included in the discussion.
Phenomenology represents a form of understanding phenomena as it presents itself to us as conscious human beings. In the phenomenological school of thought, social experiences, things, and events have no meaning until we as human beings attribute them with the meaning we gain from interaction with them (Maxwell, 2013). The term phenomenology comes from phainómenon, meaning ‘that which appears or comes into view’ or
‘appearance.’ The founder of phenomenology, German philosopher Edmund Husserl (1859- 1938), upheld the epistemological understanding that the definitive basis for knowledge was experience (Doing Hermeneutic Phenomenological Research: A Practical Guide, 2021). In phenomenological studies, attention is directed towards the world as it is concretely
experienced from a subjective perspective. The phenomenological approach is primarily descriptive in nature, seeking to illuminate the content of focus in a raw and unprejudiced manner, giving credence to subjectivity over objectivity (Doing Hermeneutic
Phenomenological Research: A Practical Guide, 2021).
Cohen (2018) points out that hermeneutics focuses on interaction and language, meaning that the methodological perspective seeks to understand situations through the eyes of the
participants, giving weight to the “verstehen” approaches of Weber and founded in the view that reality is socially constructed. Cohen further emphasizes Habermas' ideas in stating that sociology must understand social facts in their cultural significance and as socially
determined (Cohen, 2018). In that sense, hermeneutics involves recapturing the meanings of interacting others, recovering, and reconstructing the intentions of other actors in a situation.
Reevaluating the responses of the interview persons within the context of the other interviews and, considering the sociological and pedagogical theory, therefore becomes a hermeneutic endeavor (Cohen, 2018).
Kvale & Brinkmann (2015) illustrate how the seven hermeneutic principles of interpretation can be used to understand the ever-changing interpretations of different texts. In this
instance, it is the conditions of work inclusion for people with mild intellectual disability who are placed under scrutiny. The first principle of hermeneutic interpretation concerns the continuous dialectical movement between the parts and the whole. Inquiring about the parts provides a new relationship between the parts and the overarching topic, and the other way around. Visiting and re-visiting the parts and the overarching concept in a dialectical fashion is intended to bring a higher understanding of the meaning behind the topic. The second principle of hermeneutic interpretation is that the dialectical interpretation stops when an inner coherency is reached without any logical contradiction. This second principle suggests an evaluation of the different meaning units and their relationship to the other interviews and the topic, until a unified understanding of the investigation is reached. A third principle is a testing of the different subcategories that emerge from the analysis against the global meaning of the text. The fourth principle concerns the text’s autonomy; the text should be understood in relation to its own frame of reference by stating what the text itself says about a topic. The fifth principle relates to the need for knowledge about the topic with which the text is in relationship with. The sixth principle states that the interpretation cannot be separate from the interpreter’s preconditions. The researcher’s or interpreter’s pre-
understanding, perceptions, and prior knowledge must be "put in parentheses" to examine the phenomenon or topic. The goal is to arrive at the peculiarity, or essence, of the
phenomenon. The analyst cannot operate outside his or her own frame of reference and should instead aim to make the preconditions explicit and to be aware of how these preconditions will be evident in the approach or questions used to investigate the topic at- hand. The seventh principle says that each interpretation has room for innovation and creativity (Kvale, 2015).
The hermeneutic approach emphasize that we understand and interpret meaning within a context and that this context will always be historical. The present is always associated with a past and a tradition and we might have to take the social situatedness into the scope of enquiry when we perform a hermeneutic analysis (Doing Hermeneutic Phenomenological Research: A Practical Guide, 2021). The German philosopher Hans-Georg Gadamer (1900- 2002), who is the central innovator of hermeneutics in the last century, elaborates upon this idea, emphasizing that all meanings and understanding is structured by the unconscious preconception he calls prejudice (Wright, 2015). These preconceptions investigated will lead to clearer understanding of how the term symbolic violence will fit into the different
interview persons perception of the work inclusion project for job seekers with mild ID.
3.4 Qualitative interviews
Dalen (2011) expresses that one of the main strengths of the qualitative interview is the delivery of rich and complementary descriptions of the topic(s) being investigated. As this thesis aims at defining the contours around a complex and controversial concept, it will be helpful to allow several perspectives to contribute to the nuance(s) of the interpretation.
Qualitative methods often focus on experiences from different contexts or increased insights into phenomena. This focus differs from quantitative methods in which one often categorizes the problem field into specific variables, uses statistics, objective measurements, and often presents findings as figures (Befring, 2015, p. 38-39). In qualitative methods, the purpose is to examine questions to understand the perspective of the ones investigated. Qualitative research methods have relevance for empirical and contemporary research, as they seek insight into phenomena through descriptions, experiences, and the experiences of informants who work or live within contexts where the phenomenon we are to investigate occur
(Befring, 2015, p. 39). The sampled informants have daily experience in making policy for facilitation and inclusion for the population in question, and therefore, their individual experience becomes valuable in investigating the problem statement.
3.5 Semi-structured interview
In a semi-structured interview, the topics and the questions are provided as open-ended and can, therefore, be tailored to each individual interviewee. Responses can be preceded or followed up by both prompts and probes (Cohen, 2018). The types of questions used in a semi-structured interview can be both direct and indirect. A direct question directly
addresses a specific topic. An example from this thesis would be: Should the welfare system be connected into the case earlier? In contrast, an example of an indirect question would be:
How do you understand the concept of symbolic violence in relation to participation in work life for people with mild intellectual disabilities?
Semi-structured qualitative interviews are used in this thesis to shed light on the problem statement by interviewing three representatives representing three societal sectors: public employment, health, and user organizations. These interviews aim to obtain descriptions of the interviewee's subjective perceptions of the given phenomena to elaborate upon and enrichen the meaning of the phenomena described. The interviews are like normal conversations yet differ in that they have a clear purpose (Cohen, 2018).
I aim to investigate the possible significance of the interviewees' experiences with and descriptions of the challenges of exclusion and lack of facilitation for those people with mild ID attempting to enter the work market. Before the interviews, each informant was apprised that I was seeking to learn their experience of exclusion and lack of facilitation for people with ID aiming to attain jobs, and that there were no right or wrong answers. As semi-
structured, the interview is neither an open interview, nor a closed questionnaire interview. A distinctive approach and preparation, as well as broad knowledge of the method, is required, but the interviews focus on personal contact, as openness is a prerequisite for gaining such new insights (Kvale, 2015).
The theme for the interview was provided well in advance included in the invitation to the research project, and the informants answered six questions divided into three main categories. The categories included:
• The interviewees' knowledge and experience/perception concerning the concept of symbolic violence
• Their organization's efforts towards inclusion and facilitation for jobseekers with mild ID
• Results of and obstacles within the work of inclusion and facilitation for jobseekers with mild ID
Kvale & Brinkmann (2015) describe that knowledge is created at the intersection between the interviewer's and interviewee's views; the interview serves as a conversation between two parties on a topic of common interest. Kleven and Hjardemaal (2018) describe how
qualitative methods prioritize closeness between researcher and informants, as opposed to the distance and "objectification" required of processes that characterize quantitative research. In a qualitative method, the researcher's eyes and ears function as the tools to gather information and thus create meaning from findings (Maxwell, 2013). Qualitative interviews, therefore, search for the most nuanced descriptions possible through words rather than numbers. The informants should be encouraged to describe how they act, experience, and feel (Kvale, 2015) and the closeness to the research topic is enhanced by the opportunity to ask in-depth questions during the interview. Kvale & Brinkmann (2019) characterize informants as subjects that participate in an interview and function to create understanding and meaning about the topic in focus – in this case, about the potential interpretations of the symbolic violence concept as it may apply to people with ID in a work application or
employment process. Focusing on making room for reflections and the opportunity to "think aloud" in their descriptions were done to allow for fuller descriptions, which in qualitative interviews correspond to the accuracy of quantitative measurements (Kvale, 2015).
3.6 The practical implementation of the study
I will describe here how I proceeded in the practical implementation of the study.
3.6.1 Research ethics.
Ethics has been defined as "a matter of principled sensitivity to the rights of others" (Cavan, 1977, p. 810). This thesis is built upon ethical principles that can be further divided into subcategories. From a deontological and a consequentialist point of view, the thesis speaks to the moral imperative to do good for those with a weaker voice in society; and, though my thesis will critique a system built to help people in a demanding situation, my goal is to help improve the system and to support the implementation of better, more applicable standards as a benefit to all parties involved. Furthermore, from the perspective of virtue ethics, I believe aiming for a more equal work participation will strengthen the ways in which we aim to democratize symbolic capital in our society, which, in turn, will achieve a greater good (Cohen et al., 2011, pp. 112–115).
Ethical problems in interview research do arise, especially in the investigation of complex conditions associated with exploring people’s privacy and putting it into a public domain (Kvale, 2015). The researcher's attitude and ethical awareness are, therefore, important.
Research ethics guidelines clearly emphasize that researchers must provide research
participants with sufficient information about the field, purpose of research, funding bodies of the project, where and by whom information will be accessed, how results will be used, and the consequences of participating in the research project (De nasjonale forskningsetiske komiteene, 2018). All ethical assessments I have made during this process have emerged from the choices that are presented with concerns as to formal ethical requirements, sample selection, obtaining written informed consent, preparation, and through the conducting of the interviews.
The routines for ethical data treatment will be detailed in my data management plan (Appendix 1) (Datahåndteringsplan, 2021). In this plan, it will be specified how the data is stored, how substantial the data will be, the kind(s) of data in-question, how ethical and judicial concerns are cared for, how long the data will be stored, and how the data will be made accessible for certified third parties.
3.6.2 Formal ethical requirements
Interviewing as a research method should follow the formal guidelines stated in NESH (The National Committee for Research Ethics in the Social Sciences and the Humanities), the purpose of which are to secure good and responsible research (Norsk senter for
forskningsdata, 2021). One of the important steps is to secure and protect the personal integrity and privacy of the interviewees. Personal data collected in interviews consists of information and assessments that can directly or indirectly link to a person, including names, national identification numbers, e-mail addresses, or compiled background data. Electronic processing of such information is subject to an obligation to notify and, in general, such processing must be based on free and informed consent (Norsk senter for forskningsdata, 2021).
I ensured free and informed consent by collecting a declaration of consent from each of my interviewees, which specified: the purpose of the research project, voluntary participation, the privacy regulations by which my project is bound, their rights as a voluntary participant, and where to learn more about the project. In addition, I applied to NSD for approval of my planned processing of personal data collected through the research project. I contacted the Norwegian Centre for Research Data (NSD) on the 15th of September 2021 and received approval from the NSD case officer on the 23rd of September 2021. Collecting interviewees, conducting the interviews, and transcribing was completed by the 26th of October.
3.6.3 Interview guide and sample selection
Within qualitative methods, one often seeks a purposive sample that can provide as much relevant information as possible about the phenomenon one aims to investigate (Malterud 2013). The decision of how to make a sample selection was one of the first issues addressed with my supervisor. To discuss the overarching phenomenon of symbolic violence, interview persons were selected from a directorate level, rather than from the level of frontline
services. The purpose for this was that the concept of symbolic violence is an overarching phenomenon best addressed at the upper level of a political system since the frontline services are more bound by their job descriptions and consequently less expected to make reflections on such a structural precondition for their endeavors. The sample selection of a directorate level of societal order was therefore intentional, aimed at ensuring that the interviewees could discuss overarching issues with respect to the jurisdiction in which they operate, and because the level of competency, rhetorical tools, and careful reflections needed on such a complex topic are more likely possible with those who are well-versed in
considering the impacts of their answers. When reviewing which directorates that would best serve as samples for the interviews, we decided upon four directorates that would be
interesting to interview, as well as one user group organization. The included directorates were: Norwegian Directorate of Health, Norwegian Association of Local and Regional Authorities (KS), NAV- Directorate of Labor, The Norwegian Directorate for Children, Youth and Family Affairs (Bufdir), and the user group organization Norwegian Association for Persons with Intellectual Disabilities (NFU). Of these five potential samples, I was able to interview KS, Bufdir, and NFU.
The informants’ anonymity was ensured by not publishing any data that could lead to an individual recognition. This anonymization applies to personal information, such as name or place of residence. Anonymity was further ensured by only including the name of the
organization, and excluding the exact name of the individual, their department, sex, or age.
The collection of the informant's personal information, such as name and email address, were not connected to the collected data described above and the interviewees were given fictitious pseudonyms aimed at gender neutrality. The attached information letter (Appendix 2) has been rewritten and the contact information has been deleted to make it more difficult to link the informants.
