NEG MARKER +V + NE
2.5 Lexeme-to-word-rule
The realization of an inflectional category that transforms a lexeme to a word is achieved by a type lexeme-to-word-rule (a unary-rule):
(79)
Lexeme-to-word-rule is a sub-type of lex-rule which inherits from word-or-lex-rule.
Word-or-lex-rule inherits all constraints of the parent type sign with the additional constraint that it must have an ARG-ST (Argument Structure). This is declared in the partial hierarchy below (80):
(80)
Lexeme-to-word-rule may combine with inflecting-lex-rule to add affixal morphology information, deriving a new sub-type called infl-ltow-rule
verb-as-word
…..lexeme-to-word-rule
Verb-as-lexeme
sign
word-or-lex-rule phrase-or-lex-rule
lex-item lexeme word lex-rule
lexeme-to-word-rule constant-lex-rule
inflecting-lex-rule
infl-ltow-rule const-ltow-rule
rule) or they may retain their stem form under inflection by combining with const-ltow-word-rule (constant-lexeme-to-word-rule).
These sub-types of lex-rule then combine with types that specify parts-of-speech type as in the partial hierarchy in (81) below.
(81)
The type verb-word has the following constraint in the partial AVM below:
(82)
In (82) verb-word is constrained to have SUBJECT subject value, and an element on the SUBJ list.
The attribute INFLECTED is not declared on verb-word but is introduced by the type word-or-lex-rule, the daughter value for the type lexeme-to-word-rule a unary rule. It is declared as INFLECTED- on the daughter and the mother value INFLECTED+ for
verb-word infl-ltow-rule const-ltow-rule
with respect to affixal morphology (a unary rule is an input output mechanism where the input is the daughter constituent and the output the mother constituent).
(83) lexeme-to-word-rule := lex-rule &
The input to the rule is of type word-or-lex-rule with a specification that its key arg and synsem values be the same as the mother structure.
In (81) above the categories past-verb-word and pres-verb-word provide the
information that the verb is inflected. This may be either with affixal morphology in which case it combines with infl-ltow-rule to derive a sub-type past-infl-verb-word ,or if there is no affixal morphology it combines with const-ltow-rule to derive the sub-type past-const-verb-word. Pres-verb-word in Èdó has no affixal morphology and in which case it combines with const-ltow-rule to derive the type pres-const-verb-word.
Past-verb-word has the following specification:
(84) ROOTINFLECTED#dtr ARGS-CONT ! ! -STEMKEYNEED-AFFIX
The type past-verb-word is not a fully specified verb-word as yet because the values for the attributes STEM and NEED-AFFIX are not specified. These constraints are specified on the types past-infl-verb-word and past-const-verb-word which inherit
these constraints from infl-ltow-rule and const-ltow-rule respectively. Observe that the value for the attribute REL-TONE is high. This captures the generalization described in section 2.1 above that the tone on a CV verb is high in the past. For inflection suffixes like those in table 11 above to be expressed on the verb, it is stated as a constraint on the type past-infl-verb-word (example(85) below) which inherit from both past-verb-word and infl-ltow-rule ((81) above). In line with our description in section 2.1 above, this type has a constraint that its COMPS be empty:
(85) DTR #dtr & word-or-lex-rule SYNSEM #
CONT HOOK.INDEX E TENSE RELS ! !
In (85), NEED-AFFIX is declared as +. The particular allomorphic variant of past-infl-verb-word is then supplied by an inflection rule in this case for Èdó it is the past-rV_infl_rule with the following constraint:
(86) past-rV_infl_rule :=
%suffix (*rV)
Past-infl-verb-word &
[ARG < [INFLECTION past-rV]> ].30
(86) presupposes a hierarchy declaring values for the attribute INFLECTION which is the type inflection.31 This type consist of all the inflectional allomorphs which in this case are the allomorphs of past-rv_infl_rule as described in table 11 above: A partial declaration of the type inflection is represented in the hierarchy in (87):
(87)
The INFLECTION value is mapped on from a lexical-item to an infl-ltow-rule through these patterns. As an example, I use the verb gbérè (dance.PST-re) as illustration. (88) represents its lexical entry:
(88) gbé-v := intrans-verb-lxm &
In (88) the value for inflection is v1 and since v1 is a sub-type of past-rV, gbé-v can undergo the past-rV_infl_rule as shown in (89) below:
31 This approach allows for the relationship between verb stems, tense and plural affixation to be developed in the future. Simply, plural affixation will be a sub-type of v-infl and the patterning between its allomorphs and past-rV allomorphs will then be represented as paradigms (i.e. v1-v7).
Also, the paradigm would allow for CVCV eventive intransitive verbs like rhùlé (run) that do not occur with plural suffixation, while allowing for –rV suffixation to be constrained.
Sort
Infl
Verb-infl
Past-rv_infl
Past-re past-ru past-ri past-ro past-rin past-run past-ren v1 v2 v3 v4 v5 v6 v7
(89)
intrans-past-rV_infl_rule:=
%suffix (*re)
Intrans-past-infl-verb-word &
[ARG < [INFLECTION past-re]>].
An intrans-past-rV-verb-word is the output of (89) and it is constrained as follows:
(90) rans past rV verb word
gbe r e
HOOK INDEX E TENSE noun
Here, the STEM is declared as gbérè (dance+past-rè) and the value for TENSE is specified as past.
A past-verb-word can also occur without affixal morphology in which case it is represented as a constraint on the type past-const-verb-word. Here the mother and daughter STEM value are the same. The type past-const-verb-word inherits this constraint from both past-verb-word and const-ltow-rule. The latter is represented as follows:
(91) const-ltow-rule: = lexeme-to-word-rule & constant-lex-rule &
[ ]⎥⎥
I use the lexical entry for the transitive verb dé-v (buy) as an exemplification of an input for this rule but since no affixal morphology is present; the value for inflection is not instantiated ((92)), that is, it has no inflection code.
(92) de-v := trans-verb-lxm &
The type past-const-verb-rule applies only to verbs with a filled COMPS list and has the following constraint: DTR #dtr & verb-lxm SYNSEM #
CONT HOOK.INDEX E TENSE AGR
In (93) NEED-AFFIX is declare as – and the value for STEM in the mother and daughter are re-entrant. The value for INFLECTION is not instantiated in this instance since NEED-AFFIX value is -. The value for TONE is high.
Turning now to the type pres-const-verb-word, it also inherits from the rule in (91) above. In addition, it inherits from the type pres-verb-word which places a constraint that its TENSE value be present. No restriction is placed on its COMPS to reflect the fact that both transitive and intransitive verbs may inherit from it. This is illustrated by the partial AVM in (94) below:
(94) pres-const-verb-word: = pres-verb-word & const-ltow-rule &
The correct assignment of sub-types of high-low is made only after combinations of (94) with intrans-verb-lxm and trans-verb-lxm. Such combinations licenses the types trans-pres-const-verb-word and intrans-pres-const-verb-word. I represent the
constraint on the former in (95) below as exemplification:
(95)
trans pres const verb word de
LOCAL.CONT. HOOK . INDEX noun
2.6 Summary
In this chapter, I have given an empirical description of tense, aspect, modals and auxiliary markers in Èdó. Tense is marked by tones (present and past tense), a lexical item ghá (future tense) and a suffix –rV (past tense). In particular, verbs have relative tones that may be interpreted from the transitivity of the verbs. Intransitive verbs have a high tone in the present while transitive verbs have low tones. In the past, transitive verbs have high tones when their objects are realized in the canonical object position.
Transitive verbs in the past with unsaturated objects or objects that are realized in non canonical positions license the past –rV suffix. Past tense is also marked on
intransitive verbs by this suffix.
I have presented an analysis for tense in Èdó within the Matrix framework which accounts for relative tones in Èdó. I introduced an attribute TONE with a value tone an AVM constraining the type HEAD. The type tone is in turn constrained by the attributes LEX (ICAL)-TONE with values high-or-low, REL (ATIVE)-TONE with values high-or-low and CONST (ANT) with values boolean respectively. Nominals in Èdó bear lexical tones and the features declared as relevant for nominal heads are LEX-TONE and CONST with positive values for the latter. Verbs bear relative tones and the features declared as relevant for verbal heads are REL-TONE with value high-or-low and CONST with a negative value for the latter. The type high-or-low has the types high and low as subtypes. My analysis in this chapter has the assumption that tone marking and suffixation on verbs are inflectional. To account for mapping of inflection from lexeme to word, a type hierarchy was established with two
components, the first with part of speech information and the second with inflectional rules that map lexemes to words. The inflectional rules are of two types Infl-ltow-rule (inflectional lexeme to word rules) and const-ltow-rules (Constant lexeme to word rules). Tone is introduced as part of the types pres-const-ltow-rule and past-const-ltow-rule.
To account for the fact that verb words marking present tense may have high or low tones depending on the transitivity of the verb, a type pres-const-ltow-rule is posited with an undeclared value for the attribute REL-TONE. Constraints on a verb’s transitivity then determine the value: high for intransitive verbs and low for transitive
verbs. For verb words marking the past tense with a tone, a type past-const-ltow-rule with the feature REL-TONE declared as high and a constraint that the COMPS list must be non-empty, map verb lexemes to verb words. For intransitive verbs and transitive verbs with and empty COMPS list that mark the past tense with the –rV suffix, a type past-rV_infl_rule with the constraint that the daughter has an empty COMPS list specification and a high value for the feature LEX-TONE constraining the type tone maps the verb lexemes to words.