The late 20th century witnessed significant social, economic and environmental changes in the Arctic (Noble & Hanna, 2015). Increasing energy and mineral resource extraction, the
opening of new transportation routes, and the impacts of climate change (Prowse et al., 2009;
Burkett, 2011), are ushering in a period of interrelated political, economic, social and
ecological changes in the Circumpolar North. Sustaining Arctic and subarctic ecosystems and livelihoods of northern Indigenous peoples is becoming a challenge in the face of increasing resource development (Parlee, Sandlos & Natcher, 2018).
Mining projects generate employment and promote the development of much-needed regional infrastructure, but these activities can also cause local environmental damage and unintended social consequences, resulting in significant adverse effects for local
communities. For example, while diamond mines are of critical importance to the economy of the Northwest Territories (NWT), Canada, they also have significant adverse impacts on the local and regional environment (Davison & Hawe, 2012; Shigley, Shor, Padua, Breeding, Shirey & Ashbury, 2016). Mining operations in the Mackenzie Valley of the NWT are located on important caribou migration routes and near calving grounds, where caribou females are most sensitive to human disturbance (Parlee, Sandlos, & Natcher, 2018). The area in which these mines are located is also used for traditional hunting by the Dene First Nations. In deed in the NWT, changing climatic conditions coupled with the additional stress of increased industrial development activities have led to a decline in most caribou
populations (Vors & Boyce 2009). The decline of these species has implications for caribou hunting practices and thus for the culture, identity, and traditional ways of life of
communities in the Mackenzie Valley.
As competition over land use and resources continue to intensify, caribou
management and its relationship with other land uses have gained prominence (Klein, 2000;
Schneider, Hauer, Dawe, Adamowicz & Boutin, 2012). Given the importance of caribou to the cultural identity and socio-economic well-being of many northern societies, balancing caribou management with natural resource management (NRM) within the existing social and political landscape is important for ensuring sustainable development in the North.
Meaningful Indigenous participation in NRM is key to the success of any such endeavour.
2 | P a g e Historically, Indigenous peoples have relied on Indigenous Local Knowledge or
“ILK”1 to guide their interaction with natural resources and their environment and to manage wildlife (Schmidt & Stricker, 2010). Developed through an accumulation of location-specific observations and knowledge, the detailed collective bodies of ILK on Caribou by Indigenous peoples has been transmitted from one generation to another, over time. However, the meaningful integration of Indigenous people and their knowledge systems in environmental governance regimes, such as the Environmental Assessment (EA) process, continues to be the exception rather than the norm (Johannes, 1993; Noble & Hanna, 2015). Usher (2000) notes that in the Canadian context, EA is the “most structured and visible” of the policy arenas involving ILK. This makes EA regimes a suitable process for a focused study of ILK incorporation in resource management in the context of the NWT.
Although EA systems are widely criticized for not adequately considering Indigenous peoples and their knowledge systems (Noble & Udofia, 2015), EA systems in Canada’s North may be the exception. Governance arrangements set a broader context that impacts the ability of ILK to influence NRM processes such as EA. Hence, the relationship between ecological systems stewardship and ILK cannot be discussed without considering the legal status of Indigenous nations as distinct sovereigns, within wider nation-states (Ranco, O'Neill, Donatuto, & Harper, 2011). Indigenous governance systems play important roles in defining and implementing programs to mitigate the negative impacts of resource extraction (Grijalva, 2011).
In the northern regions of Canada, because of Comprehensive Land Claims
Agreements (CLCAs), legislative, regulatory or policy requirements have been instituted to ensure that the ILK of Aboriginal people are included in resource management (Usher, 2000).
Current EA regimes in the north require that developers incorporate ILK into project reviews, including in the NWT (Mackenzie Valley Resource Management Act (MVRMA) 1998), and in the Yukon (Yukon Environmental and Socio-economic Assessment Act (YESA Act) 2003). In Nunavut, the Nunavut Land Claims Agreement similarly requires the assessment of the
1 Indigenous Local Knowledge (ILK) is also sometimes referred to as “Traditional Ecological Knowledge”
(TEK), or Traditional Knowledge (TK). The use of ILK in this thesis is meant to reflect the shift toward the use of the term in recent academic literature.
3 | P a g e potential impacts of proposed developments in the Nunavut Settlement Area, considering both ILK (referred to as Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit or IQ) and scientific methods.
Co-management institutions across the North have the potential to be important vehicles for the inclusion of ILK in resource management (Pinkerton, 1989; Berkes,
Armitage & Doubleday, 1997). Kendrick (2000) stresses the importance of co-management institutions as avenues for the exchanges of ideas on natural systems, where interactive and mutual learning takes place. The northern co-management bodies have led to greater use of ILK alongside scientific knowledge in NRM decision-making, especially relating to mining and other industrial activities (Manseau, Parlee & Ayles, 2007; Berkes et al., 2001).
Despite the recognised importance of ILK, there is a scarcity of research that details the processes through which it is considered by co-management boards and how it impacts decision-making and impact management. Although many studies have focussed on the EA regime in the NWT (Papillon & Rodon, 2017; Udofia, Noble & Poelzer, 2016) only a few have focussed on ILK in EA in the Mackenzie Valley (Manseau, Parlee & Ayles, 2007;
Vanclieaf, 2014; Christiansen & Grant, 2007; Pudovskis, 2013). Apart from Pudovskis (2013), much of the academic literature on ILK in the Mackenzie Valley has not addressed the role the MVRMA plays in ensuring that ILK is used in resource management processes.
Further, there has been little or no research on factors (other than legislation) that impact the incorporation of ILK in the NWT regulatory system.
The overarching goal of this thesis is to explore whether and how the MVRMA and co-management boards in the Mackenzie Valley facilitate the inclusion of ILK in decision-making in the EA and regulatory process. Specifically, this thesis examines the factors that impact the incorporation of ILK in the resource co-management system in the Mackenzie Valley of NWT. The thesis seeks to answer the following research questions:
i. What roles does the MVRMA play in ensuring that ILK is used in resource management in the Mackenzie Valley?
ii. What roles do co-management boards play in facilitating the collection, interpretation, and inclusion of ILK in decision-making related to EA and regulatory processes?
iii. What are the other factors that facilitate the use of ILK for resource management in the Mackenzie Valley co-management system?
4 | P a g e This thesis fills a gap in the literature on ILK by examining the role of the
co-management boards in collecting and incorporating ILK in the decision-making process in the EA and regulatory phases. The results provide insights into the role of Aboriginal board representation and indigenous governance systems in facilitating the incorporation of ILK in environmental decision-making.
The remainder of this thesis is presented in six sections. Section 2 briefly discusses the potential role of ILK in mitigating impacts and provides an overview of ILK as a
governance issue in northern Canada. This section also assesses some of the relevant gaps in the literature related to the ILK in the co-management of resources in Northern Canada. This is followed by Section 3, the study methodology. Section 4 presents the results of the
document analyses, while Section 5 outlines the findings of the research. Section 6 discusses some of the important outcomes of the study. Finally, Section 7 provides concluding
statements and areas of future research.
5 | P a g e