EXPERIENCING INTERSECTIONALITY IN INTEGRATION

Eritrean immigrants’ integration highlights several circumstances where their various social identities shape their integration process. Interview discussions concerning Eritrean immigrants’ social differences involved their age, education, religion, culture, ethnicity, and

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national identity. Eritrean immigrants’ integration differences are related to gender which involves age and educational background. Women often experienced more barriers due to their age and educational qualification in the integration process. In learning the language, age is a major difference between women and men’s language proficiency. Three women, who arrived in Norway between 15 and 16 years of age, confirmed that they were able to learn the language much easier and integrate quicker. However, Eritrean women who arrived when they were 25 years and above, suggested that they were not able to learn Norwegian as effective because, at their age, they had to focus more on family expectations as wives.

Illustrating the issue of age in affecting language skills, a 28-year-old Eritrean woman who arrived in Norway when she was 15 years old confirmed this: “It was easier to learn Norwegian and make social networks quicker because I met many young people to talk to”. On the other hand, a 34-year-old Eritrean woman who arrived in Norway at age 25 explained that she was unable to learn Norwegian well due to her marital obligations and family duties. “I am not very good at speaking Norwegian since I did not have enough time to learn, because my husband wanted us to have children as soon as possible after we reunited”.

Migration patterns of men in the sample indicated that they moved to Norway relatively younger, often at 18 years-old. During this period, they complete the introductory program and often pursue higher education in Norway to gain access to better-paid work. Also, men in the sample who migrated to Norway from the age of 25 had educational degrees and work experience from Eritrea. An example is a 38-year-old married male who migrated to Norway at age 28 and had an education and work experience in catering from Eritrea. After completing the introductory program, he gained paid work as a chef.

Eritrean women in interviews referred to religion as organizing their lives which shaped their role expectations and gender relations in the home and outside the home. In an interview with a 30-year-old Eritrean woman living in Norway for 10 years, she suggested that the church is a key aspect of Eritreans’ social interactions. She added that women are more influenced by religious norms and are discriminated against by the men when they do not adhere”.

Within religious engagements, women and men have distinct roles in these events with men often leading these activities. As suggested by a 28- year-old woman who is a member of the Eritrean Church in Bergen: “In the church, men are in charge of leading social events and women are responsible for taking care of the children and organizing the place”. Through their performance of different roles in the church, women and men continue to perform

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differentiated roles that maintain patriarchal relations in the household. Men’s power in the household is legitimized through religious norms that subordinate women position in the household and externally.

Eritreans’ in interviews discussed issues of racial inequality in their integration. A 26-year-old

Eritrean woman, who moved to Norway with her family at the age of 15, had this to say:

“During my introductory program, I was living in a small town and so everyone knew each other. When I told people I was from Eritrea, they asked me if I have ever seen this or that before because everyone sees Africa as a very poor place. Also because I am black, people will always look at me differently and some will not even talk to me. That was very uncomfortable and I was not happy living there”.

A 38-year-old Eritrean man who works as a social therapist described issues of racial discrimination at his workplace and had this to say:

“Whenever I make a contribution at work, no one takes it seriously, instead of when someone else mentions a similar idea then they use it. This has been going on for some time and it makes me feel like I am not a part of them and my ideas are not important. They will only ask for my help when they are not able to fix the problem”.

For some Eritreans’ in the sample, the media continually portrays a bad image of immigrant societies such as Eritrea, which leads to immigrants’ discrimination. A 48-year-old Eritrean man who is a religious counselor argued that Eritrean immigrants’ experiences of racial, religious, and ethnic discrimination do not only emerge from the local population but also largely from other Eritreans. In his argument, Eritreans’ discriminate against each other based on their religious and ethnic identities. Eritrean immigrants’ experiences of racial inequality from some Norwegians are due to a lack of knowledge about the Eritrean culture. He suggests that: “The Norwegian society is very good and so we will have to change how the society thinks of immigrants”.

In summary, Eritrean immigrants experience gender differences related to their social identities which affect how they integrate. In the study, Eritrean immigrant women face challenges in the integration process as a result of gender differences that characterizes their social identities and shapes their integration process in Norway. Not only do immigrant women go through gender segregation in the home but also outside the home in their participation in religious engagements and social networks, which reinforces their subordination in both domains.

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CHAPTER 6: EMPOWERMENT AND/OR DEPENDENCY? A CONTEXTUAL