UMB Student Journal of International Environment and Development Studies

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UMB Student Journal of

International Environment and Development Studies

Volume 2 - 2012

Norwegian University of Life SciencesDepartment of International Environment and Development Studies Noragric

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Credits (1)

Published by the Noragric Writing Centre,

Department of International Environment and Development Studies, Norwegian University of Life Sciences

Noragric Writing Centre

c/o Department of International Environment and Development Studies (Noragric) P.O. Box 5003

NO-1432 Ås Norway

[email protected]

http://www.umb.no/noragric/article/publications

The opinions expressed herein are solely those of the individual authors.

The UMB Student Journal of International Environmental and Development Studies is published annually by the Noragric Writing Centre at the Norwegian University of Life Sciences. Our mandate is to showcase high quality student writing in development studies, environmental studies, international relations, and related fields. Submissions are accepted each winter for publication in the spring. All submissions are peer reviewed. For questions and enquiries, please contact [email protected].

UMB Student Journal of International Environment and Development Studies Volume 2 - 2012

Review and Editorial Board Julie Percival

Kat Shiffler

Amanda Goodman Sari Cunningham Wei Yuet Wong Faculty Advisor William Warner

Online ISSN: 1892-9745 Cover Photo Credit: UMB

Cover Design: Åslaug Borgan, UMB

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Table of Contents (2)

Editor’s Note

Dear Reader,

Change is part of life, we assure ourselves. However, we like to hold fast to each and every unchanging feature of our lives. It could be our habits and daily routines, or the unchanging clockwork of the solar system. In contrast, at Noragric, our subjects revolve around the study of social change, environmental change, and their consequences.

In this Volume of the UMB Student Journal of International Environmental and Development Studies, we present a diverse collection of articles by UMB students, fitting with Noragric’s multidisciplinary scope. We hope that this collection serves as a record of the changing nature of these topics, and an inspiration for UMB students.

This project was completed with the generous support of many people. We would like to express our deepest gratitude to our faculty advisor and coordinator for The Noragric Writing Centre (NWC), Professor William Warner. Thank you for your constant dedication, motivation, support, pearls of wisdom, funny jokes, and pizza.

We would also like to thank Leslie McDonnell, from the Editorial Board Volume 1, for her advice, and getting us started on the project. Ingunn Bohmann, the Study Coordinator for the masters’ programmes in Noragric, has been an important link to the faculty, staff and students in Noragric. Professor Tor Arve Benjaminsen has provided much enthusiasm, suggestions, and potential articles. Joanna Boddens-Hosang arranged the ISSN/ISBN numbers, and the formalities regarding the cover page design. Åslaug Borgan has been very helpful with sourcing for a cover photo, and designing the cover page. Lastly, without the effort, dedication, and sense of humour of this team of editors, this project would not have been possible. Many thanks!

Sincerely,

Wei Yuet Wong (8 June, 2012)

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Stop Exploiting the New Protein Source -‐ Krill (5)

STOP EXPLOITING THE NEW PROTEIN SOURCE -‐ KRILL

Rosalie Portman Guest Student

Krill harvesting is increasing; at present, the annual catch (currently 200,000 tonnes) is only a fraction of the 2012 quota (8.6 million tonnes), deeming krill as “one of the ocean’s largest known underexploited stocks” (Nicol et al. 2012). Krill holds the potential to provide protein to feed the world, however if harvested on a large scale, the potential for the entire marine ecosystem is threatened (AKCP 2006). The consequences of increasing the krill catch quota are unknown, but despite this uncertainty, countries are competing to patent the technological advances needed to exploit this natural resource. Furthermore, the krill population is, and will continue to be, directly affected by the melting of ice associated with global warming. Antarctic management regimes determining the krill catch quota have not taken this into account (AKCP 2006). Consequently, harvesting krill on a large scale needs to be stopped for two reasons: 1) the inability to predict the true cost of large-scale harvesting and global investment injected into this industry and 2) the uncertainty of how much influence climate change will have on krill populations.

Over-harvesting krill is probable if a number of eventualities simultaneously occur concerning global investment catch quota increase; the ability to preserve the crustacean quality in the harvesting process is one hurdle. Reducing the high fluoride and copper levels is another (Storebakken 2012). When these hurdles are overcome acceleration in market opportunity and investment will follow, consequently spurring on a krill-harvesting boom. This technological boom would attract financial investment ensuing further pressure to increase the krill catch quota. If global investments drive the krill market to an unstable limit, the ability to undo market driven investment becomes limited, regardless of the environmental risks. There are numerous examples in the fisheries industry where financial gain has won and exploiting a natural resource beyond repair has been the consequence, for example the commercial extinction of northern cod. More often than not society, seemingly lacking “…collective institutional and political will…” (Hutchings & Reynolds 2004: 307), chooses to exploit marine

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fishes before an ecological balance, needed to prevent depletion, has been met Hutchings & Reynolds 2004).

If ice caps continue to melt, specifically in the Western Antarctic peninsula, the spawning ground needed for Antarctic krill will be in danger (Michael P. Meredith 2005). It is hard to measure the danger point and predict the scale of these impacts.

With climate change adding to uncertainty, the ability to predict what catch quota is safe for krill is near impossible. In 2009, the American National Academy of Sciences published a paper framing the severity of climate change and the potential for these changes to be irreversible (Solomon et al. 2009). Increasing the krill catch quota on its own has the potential to result in irreversible consequences. When this is coupled with the threats of climate change, the dangers in exploiting this stock without understanding the consequences could be catastrophic (Storebakken 2012).

However, with a growing population, finding ways to efficiently harvest protein from lower down the marine food chain is essential: krill provides this research opportunity (Storebakken 2012). 90% of energy is lost each time fish is harvested further up the marine food chain, meaning that the lower down the marine food chain protein is sourced, the more sustainable and energy efficient it becomes (Bryceson 2012).

However, harvesting krill will only be truly sustainable if it is implemented on a local scale, without large transportation ships polluting the sea, and transnational corporations monopolising the market (Storebakken 2012).

To conclude, more regulations and research are needed before the overall catch quota for krill is increased. The vulnerability of krill, regardless of the stock size, needs to be taken seriously, particularly in the face of climate change. The potential for irreversible damage, once market power and global investments take precedence, needs to be exposed. To learn from the exploitations that led to mass extinctions throughout world history, to see krill as more than a biomass to be exploited, is the first of many steps towards discovering ways to live in a self sustaining world. More sustainable solutions for krill harvesting which support local resilience need to be considered before it becomes an industry governed by the financial market.

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References:

Antarctic Krill Conservation Project (AKCP). (2006). Krill Count Conserving the Integrity of the Antarctic Ecosystem. [Online] Available at:

http://www.krillcount.org: National Environmental Trust pp. 24.

Bryceson, I. (2012). Krill oil versus fish oil (Oral interview 20/03/2012).

Hutchings, J. A. & Reynolds, J. D. (2004). Marine Fish Population Collapses:

Consequences for Recovery and Extinction Risk. BioScience, 54 (4): 297-309.

Michael P. Meredith, J. C. K. (2005). Rapid climate change in the ocean west of the Antarctic Peninsula during the second half of the 20th century. Geophysical Research Letters, Vol. 32.

Nicol, S., Foster, J. & Kawaguchi, S. (2012). The fishery for Antarctic krill – recent developments. Fish and Fisheries, 13 (1): 30-40.

Solomon, S., Plattner, G.-K., Knutti, R. & Friedlingstein, P. (2009). Irreversible climate change due to carbon dioxide emissions. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 106 (6): 1704-1709.

Storebakken, T. (2012). Krill Industry Interview (Oral interview 11.04.2012).

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The Impact of Population Policies on Women’s Health and Development (8)

RESTRICTIONS ON REPRODUCTION IN DENG’S CHINA AND CEAUŞESCU’S ROMANIA: THE IMPACT OF POPULATION POLICIES ON WOMEN’S HEALTH AND

DEVELOPMENT

Afshan Bibi

BSc Candidate in International Environment and Development Studies

ABSTRACT In developed countries laws ensure equality between men and women; however, in developing countries such laws do not exist to the same extent. The absence of these laws can hinder women’s development through access to healthcare, education, and opportunities at work. In the 1970s and 1980s the socialist states of China and Romania introduced two different population policies that aimed to reduce gender inequality. Despite maintaining their desire to bridge the inequality gap between men and women, both China and Romania used women’s biological roles to achieve their own goals of national development. Women’s responses to the policies were assumed to be homogenous, but in reality the strict conditions that went with them meant many women did not benefit from the initiatives offered at home and in the workplace.

The approach of this paper is two-fold; it examines two case studies (one from Romania and one from China) and supporting literature to show that the pronatalist and one-child policies were a male-dominated top-down approach to women’s development.

Introduction

Gender inequality is an ongoing problem in both developed and developing countries.

Societies assign men and women distinct roles based on their biological characteristics;

these roles however can conflict with individual aspirations and limit development. The socialist states of China and Romania enforced strict controls on women’s reproduction and they provide insight into the contemporary views of the relationship between women’s health and national development. Population policies aimed to bring women to the forefront of development initiatives (Kligman 1998) which focused on utilising women for economic growth (Croll et al. 1985). The one-child (China) and pronatalist

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(Romania) policies recognised women’s importance in achieving this goal, but also acknowledged women’s unregulated reproduction as a setback. Although Romania and China highlighted social inequality and women’s development, these countries ultimately used women to increase their economies. This was more successful in China than it was in Romania, but women in both countries continued to face difficult decisions about work and family life. Policies of coercion further marginalised women’s roles by increasing female-specific health problems, challenging ideas of motherhood, and limiting women’s choices at work and at home. Ultimately, only a disproportionate number of women faired better than before.

Gender as a development theory

In the 1970s, development theorists acknowledged the role of women in local and national development (Beaudet et al. 2009). From this, gender emerged as a key concept in mainstream development circles. Meanings of gender are disputed, but there is agreement that the term encompasses the biological role of men and women and associates gender as being a social construct relating to “notions of masculinity and femininity” (Momsen 2004: 2). However, biological roles and ideas of femininity and masculinity are not concrete and this is where problems arise. “Even within individual countries women...can be differentiated by class, race, ethnicity, religion and life stage”

(Momsen 2004: 9). Gender is an ambiguous term, but this ambiguity is appropriate for a concept that differs from case to case.

Gender relates to development because it draws attention to the differences between men and women in communities. The role women play indicates their development as a gender and also shows the development of their societies. Women are more at risk from malnutrition and diseases (Beaudet et al. 2009), which is why the issue of health is important in gender and development. It demonstrates that certain health problems are inherent to women. Understanding these health problems helps to explain why some women’s development opportunities are more limited than others.

Case studies – Chun Xu, China and Joana Stănescu, Romania

An opportunity presented itself where I was able to get a perspective of the impact of the population policies from women who remembered their introduction. I presented

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my Chinese and Romanian friends with a set of questions which they translated into their native languages. They posed these questions to their mother (in China) and grandmother (in Romania) and from their answers I have made my own case studies.

The case studies are anecdotal information; they are not meant for in-depth analysis but they are intended to provide nuance. There are problems with verifying the information and replicating it, but the case studies help clarify the perception of the population policies from women who experienced them first-hand.

Case study 1- Chun Xu, 47 years old, born 06.02.1964 in Zhou Cun area, Zi Bo city, Shang Dong province, China¹

Chun Xu is the mother of my friend Zhang Duo. In 1979 (when the one-child policy was introduced) she was 15 years old. At the time, she had no particular interest in the policy, but remembers the Deng regime investing a lot of money and labour to promote it with relevant slogans. Through regular radio broadcasts people became aware that having one child was the new requirement, and anyone choosing not to comply would face harsh consequences. Chun Xu recalls an occasion where a villager had a second child after the announcement of the policy; village elders dismantled the family’s home and were then awarded by local officials for their outstanding work.

Her opinions on family life have changed since Chun Xu no longer believes a child provides old-age security; rather, it continues life and contributes to the maintenance of family traditions. She states that boys are still preferred to girls and that she is lucky to have had a boy as her only child. When asked how the one-child policy influenced her decision to have just one child, Chun Xu answered that it wasn’t up to her and that women had no choice in the matter. She wanted to have two children but because of the one-child policy this had not been possible and she settled for one. Chun Xu worked in architecture and at the age of 23 she gave birth to Zhang Duo. She receives a small subsidy from the government for having one child. She remembers that employees in state-run factories and companies risked losing their jobs if they had more than one child. If workers managed to keep their jobs, there was a possibility that any additional children would not be registered as full Chinese nationals.

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She believes that since the one-child policy was introduced, women’s health has improved significantly. Taking into account China’s current demographic situation, Chun Xu thinks that the one-child policy is necessary for China and her closing remarks target the government- it needs to do more to make sure the policy is properly adhered to.

Case study 2- Joana Stănescu, 78 years old, born 22.07.1933 in Zimnicea, southern Romania²

Joana Stănescu is the grandmother of my friend Diana-Nicoleta Stănescu. In 1970, (four years after the pronatalist policy was introduced) Joana worked in small-scale farming. She remembers the announcement of the pronatalist policy very well. Joana had thought of having only one child, but after Decree 770 banned abortion on the 1^st of October 1966 (Kligman 1998) she was forced to re-think her decision. Joana tried successfully for another child, which brought her total to two. She received a monthly allowance for each child until they reached the age of 16. Joana states that because there was no birth control, abortion had been easily available in Romania before the pronatalist policy. She believes that abortion rates were higher than before even though figures were not properly recorded in official documents.

When asked to remember how the Ceauşescu regime justified the pronatalist policy, she answered, “increased production.” This would only be achieved if Romanian women gave birth to more children (the sex of the child was not important). The government emphasised that a growing population would lead to increased production which would naturally lead to development. Joana remembers the slogan “a young society results in progress for all.” The Ceauşescu regime wanted to replace its older, slightly stale generation with a young, fresh, socialist society. Although not fully understanding or agreeing with the pronatalist policy, Joana said she respected the law and accepted the changes without any real opposition.

Speaking about healthcare after 1970, she said it had become free for all. Previously hospitals had been located in big cities, but after the policy it was a requirement for hospitals to be built in areas inhabited by a minimum of 10,000 people. Joana believes

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that women had more opportunities at work and in education. In hindsight, she misses Ceauşescu and the sense of hope he instilled in people about a more prosperous future.

She remembers the benefits she received for having more children: paid holidays, provision of nursery schools and paid maternity leave. However, Joana also mentions that people woke up at 5 o’clock in the morning every day and stood in queues to get milk. The juxtaposition of daily life and benefits is poignant because it implies that a life of opposites had become relatively normal.

Health institutions and health problems during the one-‐

child/pronatalist policy

Case study 1 suggests that there was a significant improvement to women’s health in China following the introduction of the one-child policy. Unlike Joana Stănescu, Chun Xu does not specifically mention healthcare systems. Joana claims that there were more hospitals, and that healthcare had become free for all after the pronatalist policy.

However, despite the increase in hospitals, women continued to have illegal abortions.

Writing in 1985 (six years after the introduction of the one-child policy), Pi-Chao Chen states that there was a significant improvement in the provision of hospitals and clinics.

China took extensive measures to give women a greater sense of security amidst the new decisions they would have to make about reproduction. “By 1981 every county had a hospital, and the majority had a...specialised Maternal and Child Health hospital”

(Pi-Chao Chen in Croll et al. 1985: 137). Healthcare was structured into three tiers;

there were production brigade health systems at the lower level, and county maternal and child health hospitals at the higher level (Pi-Chao Chen in Croll et al. 1985: 137).

Kligman (1998) argues that health provisions in Romania were only available to pregnant women, women who wanted to become pregnant or those who already had children. By law, medical institutions had to “...ensure...attention to pregnant women by clinical...examinations...and to supervise...a woman’s state of health in the postnatal period” (Kligman 1998: 80). Most (if not all) health provisions were directed towards pregnant women and those who wished to become pregnant. Those who weren’t pregnant (and had no desire to be), were ignored.

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Following the introduction of the population policies, women in China and Romania had to deal with a whole new spectrum of health problems. In China, there was a considerable increase in the use of contraception. “The programmes...promoted IUDs and sterilisations...these account for 85 per cent of all contraceptive use” (Pi-Chao Chen in Croll et al. 1985: 137). The government encouraged local pressure on women and families who were not complying with policy rules:

“A campaign in Guang Dong province in 1979 held discussion meetings for couples who refused to use contraception. Worn down by 7hr a day meetings for 5 months until they complied” (Croll et al. 1985: 45).

There were many cases of forced abortion, either by threats of job loss, having to pay an excess child levy (Croll et al. 1985: 30) or through emotional blackmail where feelings of shame would compel women to terminate pregnancy. There was a difference between rural and urban women, and rural women found it more difficult to accept the one-child policy. However, in urban centres the tendency towards having one child was more commonplace, and in some cities, the policy merely confirmed the unofficial demographic situation. In the west district of Beijing within a few months

“...the ratio of one-child families had passed 50 per cent...before...incentives or disincentives” (Croll et al. 1985: 98). In the countryside women were being asked to break with tradition and to set aside the status associated with having more children (Croll et al. 1985).

In Romania, the more children a woman had, the more she would be respected by her local community and government (Kligman 1998). Status was assigned to mothers with many children and the Ceauşescu regime used these women as an example to others (Kligman 1998). Abortions had been available on demand before the pronatalist policy, and were the only realistic form of birth control when natural methods and home-made remedies proved ineffective. Contraceptives were “...neither manufactured domestically nor imported” (Moskoff 1980: 603), which meant that abortions were a normal part of a Romanian woman’s life. On average, women had between five and seven abortions during their reproductive years (Kligman 1998: 208).

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After abortion was criminalised, women relied on dangerous and often life threatening methods to stop having more children. “In 1971, there were 330,000 spontaneous and induced abortions and about 375,000 in both 1972 and 1973” (Moskoff 1980: 603).

Living with lacerations, tears and erosions of the cervix were minor problems compared to the threat of death. In 1965, the number of deaths from post-abortion complications was 47, whereas in 1989 it was at its highest at 545 (Kligman 1998: 215). The total number of maternal deaths more than doubled from 237 to 627 between 1965 and 1989 (Kligman 1998: 215).

In China and Romania, women experienced a multitude of health problems that directly resulted from the one-child policy and pronatalist policies. Health provisions were only available to those women who complied with the restrictions on reproduction. Those that did not were under pressure from local health structures to do so, which created a conflict between state and individual.

Mothering challenges during the one-‐child/pronatalist policy From the case studies of Chun Xu and Joana Stănescu it is clear that attitudes towards motherhood and family life changed. Chun Xu no longer viewed children as a means of old age security and Joana Stănescu tried for another child, recognising the benefits available to her and her family. Despite the fundamentally different approaches to controlling women’s health, Romania and China offered similar incentives.

Kligman (1998) explains that increased female education, combined with the desire to be more like Western European women, meant that on average, Romanian women had fewer children. “In 1971, girls constituted 51.5% of students at high school. At university in the same year women’s share of enrolment was 43.3%...” (Kligman 1998:

25-26). Such figures show that women had more opportunities in education, and can account for the increased rate of female participation in the workforce. However, women often worked at a lower level than men despite their almost identical educational backgrounds (Kligman 1998), and found it difficult to maintain a balance between work and family life. For the Ceauşescu regime, well-educated working women were secondary in importance to women who actively sought to have more children. Writing in 1976 in Bucharest, Trebici highlights the significance of

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motherhood in his country: “In Romania, motherhood is acknowledged as a social function and enjoys the protection of the state” (Trebici 1976: 130).

In Deng’s China, women were also encouraged to work and be active members of the labour force. Rural and urban women experienced different problems in relation to this change. A rural woman’s life was centred around her ability to be a good mother. From an early age children were an investment and could help with household chores (Croll et al. 1985). Employment opportunities were not realistic for rural women given the scope of daily problems. The one-child policy asked women “to practise a degree of family limitation...directly contrary to their interests” (Croll et al. 1985: 73). Girls were made aware of contraception at a younger age than before, and later marriage was encouraged to delay the reproductive process (Pi-Chao Chen in Croll et al. 1985: 147).

Similarly, in Romania the pronatalist policy made younger women aware of their future responsibilities to the state. “The prohibition of abortion prompted young women to become pregnant...earlier...better prepared psychologically to tolerate flexibility”

(Kligman 1998: 66).

The future opportunities and prospects of young women were tailored to fit the aims of the one-child policy and pronatalist policy. Women were not addressed individually and both China and Romania assumed that women’s development needs were homogenous. These assumptions did not reflect reality, and women struggled with new notions of motherhood and new responsibilities towards the state.

Lack of choice during the one-‐child/pronatalist policy

Chun Xu and Joana Stănescu show that women had little choice in adhering to the population policies. If they chose not to have more children (Romania), or chose to have more children (China) then they would not be eligible for financial aid. In addition, they would almost certainly be ostracised in their local communities.

The choices given to women by the Deng and Ceauşescu regimes revolved around their own goals of national economic development. China argued that it could not develop if its population continued to grow at the current rate as “...plans to...modernise China were thought to be contingent on China’s also taking drastic steps to reduce her

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population” (Croll et al. 1985: 23). In his address to the World Population Conference in 1974, Nicolae Ceauşescu said “...man is the decisive factor of economic-social progress” (Trebici 1976: 127). The main concern of the population policies was what was best for the state; any positive outcomes for women were believed to follow naturally.

Women’s choices in China and Romania came with conditions that were often contradictory to their purpose. At 72.7 percent Romania had the highest rate of female labour force participation in Eastern Europe (Moskoff 1980: 601). However, the degree to which women enjoyed freedom of choice at work is questionable. Women were subjected to mandatory medical exams, including ovulation and pregnancy tests and family planning enquiries (Kligman 1998: 100). Women were constantly monitored by medical cadres at work, and this surveillance intensified if a woman was found to be pregnant.

In China, most women worked in government-run factories and companies making them more vulnerable to coercion tactics. Private decisions about women’s health no longer remained personal, and had to be shared with medical cadres at work (similar to Romania). Momsen (2004) emphasises that coercion was most effective “...among workers in state enterprises...women can be forced to abort second pregnancies by threat of loss of jobs...benefits and...imposition of heavy fines...contraception is carefully monitored” (Momsen 2004: 55).

The population policies allowed Romania and China to exert force over women’s bodies. They scrupulously recorded details of women’s personal lives and the boundary between state and individual no longer existed. The many choices on offer did not benefit every woman and the downside to these choices was clear. Women remained in a state of limbo when it came to fully accepting the one-child and pronatalist policies.

Conclusion

Deng’s one-child policy and Ceauşescu’s pronatalist policy maintained throughout that women would become more equal to men and have the same opportunities at home and in the workplace. Despite the acknowledgement of inequality, China and Romania

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(with the help of their population policies) ultimately used women to start their own drive towards social and economic development. Women’s gender needs were assumed to be homogenous and there was little flexibility to cater for differences. By controlling one aspect of women’s health (reproduction), China and Romania presumed that women’s development would follow naturally with few problems. This was not the end-result for many women; the policies increased female-specific health problems, challenged ideas of motherhood, and limited women’s choices at work and at home. As a result, women dealt with a new spectrum of health problems: they had to make adjustments to their views and expectations of motherhood, and they were constantly monitored by the state at work. By harnessing their gender and restricting their biological role, the Ceauşescu and Deng regimes further marginalised women, and created a conflict of interest between state and individual ambitions.

References:

Beaudet, P., Haslam, P. & Schafer, J. (2009). Introduction to International Development: Approaches, Actors, and Issues, Don Mills, Ontario, Oxford University Press.

Croll, E., Davin, D. & Kane, P. (1985). China’s One-Child Family Policy, Hampshire, United Kingdom, The Macmillan Press Ltd.

Kligman, G. (1998). The Politics of Duplicity; Controlling Reproduction in Ceauşescu’s Romania, Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, University of California Press.

Momsen, J. H. (2004). Gender and Development, London, United Kingdom, New York:

Routledge.

Moskoff, W. (1980). Pronatalist Policies in Romania, Economic Development and Cultural Change, 28 (3): 597-614.

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Will GMOs Solve the World Food Crisis? (18)

WILL GMOs SOLVE THE WORLD FOOD CRISIS?

Henrik Liadal Reinertsen

Close to a billion people in the world today are starving. This problem has escalated, especially within the developing world where food demands do not meet the increasing population density. By using Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOs) in agriculture, farming becomes more efficient, as GMOs can turn unproductive land into productive land. Sufficient food supply needs a quick solution and GMOs are the answer. The yield and quality of food increases, decreasing the amount of starving people in the world as a long-term consequence. By using GMOs to grow more crops, more carbon is sequestrated from the atmosphere, resulting in decreased climate change.

Evidence shows that GMOs increase the food quantity and quality (Fresco 2001).

Engineers can modify plants to increase their resistance to pests, and also improve nutritional content (Smithers 2010). In Asia, the growing population density intensifies food scarcity. GMO rice not only increases food quantity and quality (Compass 2008;

Chandler 1979), but also reduces impact on the environment by expanding the fertile area of photosynthetic crops.

GMOs mitigate climate change by decreasing the demand for fertilizer. By isolating a certain gene in the crop, farmers are able to grow crops on infertile soil. For example, GMO corn can now grow in formerly unproductive desert areas (Borger 2000; Einset 1996). Larger areas of photosynthetic crops absorb CO2 and release O2, reducing climate change by cleaning the air. In other areas with high rainfall, GMO crops that require less fertilizer reduce the risk of polluting waterways from runoffs that result in eutrophication (enrichment of bodies of fresh water by inorganic plant nutrients).

Although the general public assumes that tampering with nature comes with high risks, many of these assumptions have not been proven. Scientists suggest that the benefits of GMOs outweigh the potential risks (Almås et al. 2002). Although some people blame GMOs for increased incidences of allergies, there is no scientific evidence for this

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claim (Pusztai & Bardocz 2011), despite the constant widespread use of GMO crops, e.g. soybeans (Shanks 2005). Worldwide, GMO soybeans increased yield ten times between 1997 and 2009 (See Table 1). The growth occurred more dramatically in the US within the same period. As a proportion of total soybean production, GMO soybeans increased from 4% to more than 90%. During this period research shows no negative effects of GMO soybean (GMO Compass 2008).

Table 1: Percentage of GM soybeans produced worldwide and in the USA (GMO Compass, 2010).

Total Soybean (million hectares)

GM Soybean

(million hectares) GM Ratio Year

Worldwide 1997 67 5.1 7.6%

2008 91 65.8 72%

2009 90 69 77%

USA 1997 25.7 3.6 4%

2008 30.1 27.7 92%

2009 31 28.6 91%

Research shows that GMO crops will help increase food security, and reduce the environmental impact of conventional agriculture. Although there is no current evidence that GMOs pose a health risk, most scientists believe that if negative impacts are detected, the benefits of GMOs will outweigh their potential risks. Although some people criticize gene manipulation, GMOs specifically hold great promise for sustainable agriculture and decreased food scarcity.

References:

Almås, R., Bjørkhaug, H. & Brobakk, J. T. (2002). GMO foods and trust in risk

society: a European comparative perspective, Trondheim Bygdeforskning, pp.32.

Borger, J. (2000). US farmers desert GM crops. [Online] Available at

http://www.guardian.co.uk/science/2000/feb/17/gm.food1 [Last updated 17/02/2000].

Chandler, R. F. (1979). Rice in the tropics: a guide to the development of national programs, Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.

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GMO Compass. (2008). Rice - GMO Compass. [Online] Available at http://www.gmocompass.org/eng/grocery_shopping/crops/24.genetically_modified_rice.html [Last updated 04/12/2008].

GMO Compass. (2010). Global Cultivation Area: Soybean. [Online] Available at http://www.gmocompass.org/eng/agri_biotechnology/gmo_planting/342.genetical ly_modified_soybean_global_area_under_cultivation.html [Last updated

02/03/2010].

Einset, J. (1996). Genmodifiserte Planter, <in Norwegian>. Ås, Fagtjenesten.

Fresco, L. O. (2001). Genetically Modified Organisms in Food and Agriculture: Where are we? Where are we going? [Online] Available at

http://www.fao.org/ag/magazine/GMOs.pdf [Last updated 01/09/2001].

Pusztai, A. & Bardocz, S. (2011). Potential Health Effects of Foods Derived from Genetically Modified Plants: What are the Issues? Penang, Third World Network.

Shanks, P. (2005). Background: Cloned and Genetically Modified Animals. [Online]

Available at http://www.geneticsandsociety.org/article.php?id=386 [Last updated 14/04/2005].

Smithers, R. (2010). GM and Farming Technology: Key to Fighting Climate Change.

[Online] Available at http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/2010/feb/24/gm- precision-farming-environment-agency [Last updated 24/02/2010].

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A Political Ecology Analysis of The Wolf Conflict in Norway (21)

A POLITICAL ECOLOGY ANALYSIS OF THE WOLF CONFLICT IN NORWAY

Hanna Kavli Lodberg-‐Holm

ABSTRACT The wolf is a strongly debated issue in Norwegian society today. A large proportion of the Norwegian population supports the presence of wolves, while the other proportion expresses hatred and fear. This article uses a political ecology analysis to illustrate the economic, political and social aspects which influence this debate. These insights are vital to ensure the future existence of wolves as well as a sustainable relationship with our natural environment.

Wolf management is a highly debated issue which creates division in Norwegian society. Norway is bound by international agreements to protect the wolf as an endangered species, however the current Norwegian wolf population consists of only 32-34 individuals (Wabakken et al. 2011), with the country maintaining the wolf population at very low levels (Andersen et al. 2003). The conflict surrounding this species is affected by a large variety of social and political issues, and educational programs should be implemented to understand this complex debate and contribute to the long-term survival of the wolf.

The relationship between human society and the wolf changed from that of respect to hatred as society transformed from hunters and gatherers to agricultural communities.

The wolf thus became a direct threat towards human livelihoods (Lopez 1978). Our relationship with nature also changed with the introduction of Christianity and the Domination Thesis which viewed humans as superior to other species and nature. When John Lock’s philosophy of Utilitarianism followed in the 1600s, nature’s value became anthropocentric and nature was determined by its usefulness to human society. This also affected the relationship between human communities and the wolf (Kaltenborn &

Bjerke 1999; Robbins 2010).

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The persecution and hatred of the wolf throughout the North American and European continent is unparalleled in modern history. The wolf has been shot, poisoned, tortured and burned alive for public amusement and eradicated from most of its previous living areas (Steinhart 1996). Wolves came to represent what should be subdued in the human spirit - the beast within man - representing greed, lust, mercilessness and violence (Lopez 1978; Robbins et al. 2010). In Christian mythology the wolf was also presented as evil and dangerous and became associated with undesirable characters in society such as witches, werewolves, murderers, rapists and pedophiles. In later years, the wolf has become a villain in children’s stories such as Little Red Riding Hood and The Three Little Pigs (Hundeide 1996; Lopez 1978).

The perspective on wolves and nature itself has gradually changed in recent decades.

As wilderness areas and wolves became scarcer in both Europe and North America, they became worthy of protection not because of their usefulness for society, but because they had intrinsic value in and of themselves. This ecocentric perspective was first proposed in 1949 by Aldo Leopold in his The Land Ethic, inspired by an epiphany he had while killing a wolf and witnessing its suffering (Fox & Bekoff 2009; Robbins et al. 2010). The wolf came to symbolize wilderness, but the meaning of wilderness has gradually changed. Some argue that reintroducing the wolf is a process of reintroducing wilderness areas to the world (Robbins et al. 2010). However, others argue that the presence of wolves in Norwegian nature threatens the livelihood of our agricultural society.

The wolf has been a vital part of ecosystems in Norway for centuries, but became functionally extinct from Norway by 1960 due to human persecution. It was protected in 1971, but only during the last two decades was it naturally reintroduced to Norway (Andersen et al. 2003). Still, the return of the wolf has caused increased conflicts with economic activities, especially in relation to depredation of sheep and reduction in wild moose populations (Skonhoft 2005). The sheep industry in Norway has developed in a predator free environment, with two million sheep grazing freely in the summer with little supervision. Sheep are killed every year by large predators, but the losses to bears, wolverines and lynx are in total much higher than the number of sheep killed by wolves (Andersen et al. 2003). The total economic loss of wolf depredated sheep is small, but can have a strong effect on individual farmers (Skonhoft 2005).

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The wolf can also cause local declines in game species, such as moose, which is an important animal for hunting in rural areas of Norway. By eradicating all the large predators in Scandinavia, unnaturally high populations of game species such as moose can be maintained (Steinhart 1996). There are negative effects associated with this high game population, such as overgrazing in some areas and increased moose-related traffic accidents. Considering these factors, the decline in game species caused by the reintroduced wolf populations has also limited economic costs for human communities (Skonhoft 2005).

The limited economic implications of maintaining a wolf population in Norway suggests that there are other social and political factors influencing this debate. Even though the majority of the Norwegian population supports a viable wolf population, 10% of the respondents in a study by Lindell and Bjerke (2002) state that the wolf has no right to reside in Norwegian nature. Their research also shows that only one in ten Norwegians would not want wolves closer than five kilometers to their home.

The wolf debate in Norway is presented by the media as a conflict between rural and urban areas. However, there are other social factors that have proven to be more central in the wolf debate (Skogen 2001). This is related to class differences in Norwegian society, different environmental perspectives and rapid changes in rural communities.

A study from Hedmark by Kaltenborn and Bjerke (1999) shows the difference in perspectives on nature in three different social groups, where sheep farmers have a much more anthropocentric view on nature than wildlife managers and research biologists who take a more ecocentric view. This also coincides with negative views on the wolf and is documented in other research from both Trysil and Stor-Elvdal by Skogen (2001) and Krange and Skogen (2001).

An anthropocentric view on nature also influences environmental concerns in the sense that these social groups are more engaged in environmental issues affecting their own interests directly. Wolves are not a directly useful resource to humans and are not seen by many as an environmental issue, but rather as a threat to traditional activities and use of forest resources (Kaltenborn & Bjerke 1999; Krange & Skogen 2001). The wolf challenges our ability as a modern society to protect parts of the environment that do

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not directly benefit us, but are vital for the functioning of the ecosystem as a whole. As Paul C. Paquet (2007) has stated “ironically, the species once regarded as a threat to our survival is turning out to be a test of how likely we are to live sustainably in the natural world” (p.11).

Life in rural areas is rapidly moving away from primary industry and towards the service sector. This creates a more diverse population in rural areas with a growing middle class and higher education levels. The old Norwegian community that maintained traditional forest activities is gradually disappearing in the rural areas (Skogen 2001). Hundeide (1996) suggests that the wolf has become a symbol of this development in rural communities in Norway, and opposing wolves is associated with support for a traditional way of life. In Stor-Elvdal, young men with little education struggle to find work in a transformed local community, but use hunting and recreation in nature as a link to the old rural ways. The wolf is perceived as a threat to these activities and being opposed to the wolf’s presence is part of their cultural identity. The reintroduction of wolves represents another political decision forced upon local communities from the urban elite of society. This social construction of the wolf conflict as a substitute for a deeper conflict creates polarization of the debate and makes conservation of the wolf an increasingly difficult social and political issue (Krange &

Skogen 2001; Skogen 2001).

A Norwegian Institute for Nature Research (NINA) report concerning the large predators in Norway states that information campaigns directed towards changing people’s values and perspectives on nature could also be effective to create understanding and support for wolves. Learning about the environment should try to sustain new ethics that value the mutual dependence between all life forms and how humans do not have the right to dominate and exploit nature. Acceptance of wolves and the challenges this creates could be a test of the success of such changes in values.

Information and education programs should not become indoctrination, but expand people’s ability to form their own opinions and critically evaluate issues such as the wolf debate and its social constructions. It is possible to adjust educational efforts to the complex social and political conflicts affecting local attitudes towards wolf management. Giving people the possibility to influence management decisions and

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discuss these issues in focus groups could also contribute to reduce conflicts. Such initiatives have proven successful and influential in other countries, such as the US and Sweden, and there are no reasons why they should not have similar effects in Norway (Brainerd & Bjerke 2002).

From this brief introduction into the wolf conflict of Norway it becomes apparent that this is a conflict with deep historical roots, influenced by a vast range of economic, social and political issues. The social construction of the species has created a powerful symbol loaded with meaning and emotion for a large portion of the Norwegian society.

It represents a disappearing wilderness, different perspectives on nature and a social conflict between different ways of life. Aldo Leopold once stated that management of wildlife is not about managing the animals; it is about managing people (Bath 2009).

Today the wolf’s continued survival in Norway has become a social and political issue and a substitute for conflict over deeper values on human relations with the natural world. To ensure the future existence of the wolf, these complex meanings and social constructions must be analyzed and understood before effective measures such as educational programs and conflict resolution can be implemented. The persistence of wolves still challenges Norwegian society economically, socially and politically to value and protect all parts of the natural world and maintain a sustainable relationship with our surrounding environment.

References:

Andersen, R., Linnell, J.D., Hustad, H. & Brainerd, S.M. (eds). (2003). Large Predators and Human Communities in Norway: a Guide to Coexistence for the 21^st Century.

Norwegian Institute for Nature Research.

Bath, A. J. (2009). Working with People to Achieve Wolf Conservation in Europe and North America. In: Musiani, M., Boitani, L. & Paquet, P. C. (Eds). (2009). A New Era for Wolves and People: Wolf Recovery, Human Attitudes, and Policy.

University of Calgary Press, Calgary.

Brainerd, S. M., & Bjerke, T. (2002). Utredninger i Forbindelse med Ny Rovviltmelding: Informasjonstiltak om Store Rovdyr i Norge, <In Norwegian>.

Nina Fagrapport pp. 69.

Fox, C. H. & Bekoff, M (2009). Ethical Reflections on Wolf Recovery and Conservation: a Practical Approach for Making Room for Wolves. In: Musiani, M., Boitani, L. & Paquet, P. C. (Eds). (2009). A New Era for Wolves and People:

Wolf Recovery, Human Attitudes, and Policy. University of Calgary Press, Calgary.

Hundeide, M. T. (1996). Natursyn og Rovdyrdebatt i Trysil, <In Norwegian>.

University of Oslo.

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Kaltenborn, B. P. & Bjerke, T. (1999). The Relationship of Ecocentric and Anthropocentric Motives to Attitudes toward Large Carnivores. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 19: 415-421.

Krange, O. & Skogen, K. (2001). Naturen i Stor-elvdal, Ulven og det Sosiale Landskapet: en Kortrapport fra Prosjektet Konfliktlinjer i Utmarka. Nova temahefte.

Lindell, J. D. & Bjerke, T. (2002). Frykten for Ulven: en Tverrfagelig Utredning, Oppdragsmelding, <In Norwegian>. Norwegian Institute for Nature Research Oppdragsmelding, pp. 722.

Lopez, B. (1978). Of Wolves and Men. (2004 edition). Scribners, New York.

Paquet, P. C. (2007). Introduction. In: The Last Wild Wolves: Ghosts of the Rainforest.

Robbins, P., Hintz, J. & Moore, S. A. (2010). Environment and Society. Chichester:

Blackwell Publishing.

Skonhoft, A. (2005). The Cost and Benefits of Animal Predation: an Analysis of the Scandinavian Wolf Re-colonization. Ecological economics, 58(2006): 830-841.

Skogen, K. (2001). Who’s Afraid of the Big, Bad Wolf? Young People’s Responses to the Conflicts over Large Carnivores in Eastern Norway. Rural sociology 66(2):

203-226.

Steinhart, P. (1996). The Company of Wolves. New York: Vintage Books.

Wabakken, P., Aronson, Å., Strømseth, T.H., Sand, H., Maartmann,E., Svensson, L., Åkesson, M., Flagstad, Ø., Liberg, O. & Kojola, I. (2011). Ulv i Skandinavia:

Statusrapport for vinteren 2010-2011, <In Norwegian>. Høgskolen i Hedmark, Oppdragsrapport nr. 1 - 2011.

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Rights Regimes and the Gaza Fishing Industry (27)

RIGHTS REGIMES AND THE GAZA FISHING INDUSTRY

(Abridged from original version)

Alexander Solstad Ringheim

MSc Candidate in International Environmental Studies

Paul Beaumont

MSc Candidate in International Relations

Anders Sundstøl Bjørkheim MSc Candidate in International Relations

ABSTRACT Since the Oslo Accords were signed by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization in 1993, the fishing zone that was allotted to fishermen on the Gaza strip has been repeatedly and unilaterally reduced by Israel, from 20 nautical miles in 1993 to 3 nautical miles in 2009. This has had negative consequences for the fishing industry in Gaza, an area already critically affected by food insecurity. This paper addresses the problem from the institutional perspective. It assesses the various institutional arrangements that cover or are meant to cover the seas outside Gaza, whether they have been successful or not, and why. We argue that international fishing institutions fail because Palestine’s status as a non-state means it falls into a grey area that is unaccounted for in both theory and practice. We also argue that neither the arrangements from peace agreements nor the Geneva Conventions can account for the situation, due to the lack of an international third party to ensure compliance on behalf of Israel. The paper concludes that the institutional resource regime is failing Gaza, the Gaza fishermen and the fish, but sees no prospect of improvement in the near future barring a dramatic change in policy from Israel.

1. Introduction

When the Oslo Accords were signed on the White House steps in September 1993, they were met with optimism, as they were the first direct agreement between Israel and the

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Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). They would serve as a framework for future talks within which the most central issues of the long-drawn conflict would be resolved.

A lot of this optimism has since faded, especially after the breakout of the Second Intifada¹ in 2000. As most central questions have never reached full resolution, public belief in the Accords has dwindled and the occupation of Palestinian territories is still ongoing.

The question of Palestinian access to maritime areas outside of the Gaza Strip has arisen since the Oslo Accords have been subject to instability and repeated change.

Fishing is a central part of the Gaza economy, and a central nutritional source for a population where only 17% are deemed “food secure” (WFP 2009). The current regulations have enforced a three nautical mile restriction on the maritime areas Palestinian fishermen can access. Following this it has been reported that the annual fishing catches and amount of active fishermen have been severely reduced. At the same time fishing stocks are in a state of peril, due to overfishing in close-shore breeding grounds (OCHA 2010). The question remains: do the property rights structures give Palestinians full ownership over the resources they access?

In heated topics such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict there is always potential for biases, both in sources and in analysis. To counteract this as far as possible, most of our paper is based on primary research by established and internationally respected sources.

As we have not conducted any primary research ourselves, the basis of our information relies on literature searches. The sources of information are from both quantitative as well as qualitative research sources. We contend that Palestinians are not even full owners of the fishing resources they are able to access, due to a special sort of property regime, controlled by Israel as an outside actor.

2. Background

2.1 General outline of the conflict

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been a recurring topic ever since the United Nations drafted its Partition Plan for Palestine in 1947, suggesting a distribution of 55% of the

1 The Second Intifada was the second Palestine uprising, leading to a period of intensified violence between

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land of original British Mandate to Israel and 45% to an Arab state (Bennis 2009). This was immediately followed by the Arab-Israeli war in 1948, after which Israel, the victor, was declared a state on 78% of what was then the British Mandate. War and the threat of war, in addition to Jewish paramilitary terror attacks, resulted in the exodus of more than 700 000 Palestinians from the area that became Israel.

The exact roots of the conflicts are hard to outline. However, it is clear that the 1967 Six-Day War represents a historical benchmark and a framework for current international mediation (Bennis 2009). As a result of this war, Israel occupied the last 22 percent of the original Mandate, taking Gaza Strip and Sinai (later returned), the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights, from Egypt, Jordan and Syria, respectively. This occupation is still ongoing, although varying degrees of self- determination and autonomy have been given to parts of the Occupied Territories, as a result of the Oslo Accords and their aftermath. Gaza is in a special position because of an ongoing economic blockade and near-complete border closure, that was exacerbated after the 2007 Hamas takeover of control of the Gaza Strip; a result of the 2006 election.

Formal bilateral negotiations have been scarce and often interrupted, and were not established before the Oslo Accords. Neither the General Assembly Resolution 194, which declares the right to return and compensation of the earlier mentioned refugees (UN 1948), nor Security Council Resolution 242, which requires the “Withdrawal of Israel armed forces from territories occupied in [the Six-Day War]” (UN 1967) have been resolved today.

2.2 The Gaza economy and fishing industry

The focus of our paper; the fishing industry, is a sector that provides a high proportion of the workforce in relation to its monetary importance, which amounted to 48 million USD in 2008 (United Nations 2010). As of 2007, the Gaza fishing industry contributed 4% of the National Palestinian GDP, a number including the West Bank (OCHA 2007).

The total annual catch has had a general negative trend the last decade, and according to the World Food Programme (WFP 2009) the reduction in fishing yields is as high as 70%.

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Challenges facing the economy at present include a high unemployment rate of 40%

(United Nations 2010). Another problem correlated to this is the high rate of the population living under the poverty line, which is around 70% (JWL 2011). The current situation sheds light on why an estimated 80% of the population attains its needs for goods and services through international humanitarian assistance.

2.3 Development

The Gaza-Jericho Agreement, one of the treaties following in the wake of the Oslo Accords, established formal access for Palestinians on the Gaza Strip to maritime areas up to 20 nautical miles (nm) off the Gaza shore. This allowed for “fishing, recreation and economic activities” in this area, under certain conditions (MFA Israel 1995).

Except for a 1 nm zone next to the Egyptian border and a 1.5 nm zone next to the Israeli, this covered all of the Gaza shoreline.

Since then, the Palestinian access to these waters has been through a series of changes, gradually reducing the accepted distance from the shore from 20 to 3 nm. The latter has been the limit since December 2008, when Operation Cast Lead² and the invasion of the Gaza Strip began. The process of regulatory changes was accelerated after the breakout of the Second Intifada in 2000. This is reflected in the pattern of changes to the fishing industry from this point and onwards (see section 4.2)

3. Theory

3.1 Property and resource regimes

In order to answer the question of whether or not the Palestinians have full ownership over the resources they access, we must present the underlying theory. The concept of property differs in its analytical sense from what may be the connotations in daily speech. With property we mean rights structures that help define resource allocation, not concrete objects such as an apartment. In the following we will describe property regimes and resource regimes, in order to lay the foundation for discussing what we argue is a special type of property rights structure in the case of Palestinian fishermen and Israeli regulation of maritime areas.

2 The Gaza War during the winter of 2008-2009, beginning on 27^th December 2008, is known as Operation Cast

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According to Vatn (2005), a property regime is the “structure of rights and duties characterizing the relationships between individuals with respect to a specific good or benefit stream.” Commonly, four such regime types are identified: (1) private property;

(2) common property; (3) state or public property; (4) no property – open access.

In (1) a private entity, be it a person or a corporation, has the exclusive access to benefit streams from the resource, in addition to the obligations included in the regime. In (2) a specified group of people in total own the good or the resource, and the property regime describes both who is included and who is not, and the internal coordination of resource use. In (3) we are also talking about a sort of co-ownership, but in the vague form that everyone who is part of the state by definition owns the resource, their access restricted by an elected government that regulates and controls. (4) is a “free-for-all” situation;

everyone who so wishes has the access to benefit streams from the resource.

Here is important to underline the distinction between resources and regimes in relation to property: There are no private property resources or common property resources; the same type of resource can be managed in different ways, through various regime types, where - as we have seen - private and common are two options (Bromley 1991).

A resource regime includes the elements of property regimes, but introduces an additional aspect, namely, the “rules that govern the transactions concerning the results from the use of the resource” (Vatn 2005); what can actually be traded away by the rights holders, whether the orientation for such trade is entirely towards markets, and so on.

3.2 Ownership

An understanding of property rights requires an understanding of what constitutes ownership. Looking into this reveals more than purely physical possession. Honoré has described 11 elements that together form the basis of full ownership (cited in Vatn 2005):

(1) The right to possess: the right to exclusive physical control. This right cannot be arbitrary.

(2) The right to use: to harvest some resource for own use and so on.

UMB Student Journal of International Environment and Development Studies