Master’s Thesis 2019 30 ECTS
Department of International Environmental and Development Studies - Noragric
The Meaning of Internet Access in Myanmar
Karen Helene Jørgensen
Master of Science in International Development Studies
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contribution to international development lies in the interface between research, education (Bachelor, Master and PhD programmes) and assignments.
The Noragric Master’s thesis are the final theses submitted by students in order to fulfil the requirements under the Noragric Master’s programmes ‘International Environmental Studies’, ‘International Development Studies’ and ‘International Relations’.
The findings in this thesis do not necessarily reflect the views of Noragric. Extracts from this publication may only be reproduced after prior consultation with the author and on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation contact Noragric.
© Karen H. Jørgensen, May 2019 Karenhjorgensen23@gmail.com
Noragric
Department of International Environment and Development Studies The Faculty of Landscape and Society
P.O. Box 5003 N-1432 Ås Norway
Tel.: +47 67 23 00 00
Internet: https://www.nmbu.no/fakultet/landsam/institutt/noragric
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I, Karen H. Jørgensen, declare that this thesis is a result of my research investigations and findings.
Sources of information other than my own have been acknowledged and a reference list has been appended. This work has not been previously submitted to any other university for award of any type of academic degree.
Signature………
Date………
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As the world has become dependent on digital solutions for development in social, economic and political contexts, countries are categorised regarding the level of
digitalisation. In this regard, Internet is an essential element, where digital solutions are reliant on connecting citizens. In Myanmar the transition towards digitalisation has occurred only in recent years. The country has seen a huge change from being one of the least
digitalised countries before 2010, to becoming one of the most digitalised developing
countries today (Calderaro, 2016; Telenor, 2018). The digital development has contributed to many opportunities, but also several challenges and risks. Internet and social media can contribute to business opportunities, where especially women are becoming more social and economic empowered, but it has also resulted in the spreading of hate speech. In economic terms, Internet access has contributed to economic growth, increased trade and digital
financial solutions, but the lack of cyber capabilities and regulations restrict the effectiveness of these improvements. Statistically, Internet access demonstrates a digital progress in Myanmar, with number of Internet users and mobile phone owners continuously rising.
Nonetheless, digital divides provide a huge challenge in ensuring universal and affordable access to Internet, where gender, demography and skills are relevant elements.
This thesis will discuss how social, economic and political aspects are affected by increased access to Internet, and assess the current situation of Internet, both in relation to the sociotechnical transitions approach.
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I would first like to thank NMBU for allowing me to conduct this study and the resources they have provided me with through the two years of my master’s degree. The varied range of courses has provided me with new perspectives and valuable knowledge.
I would like to thank my supervisor, Ruth Haug, for all the advice and support through the process of this thesis. Thank you for listening to all my ideas and questions, and for the excellent answers you have given me.
I would also like to thank the informants that participated in this study, their insights and knowledge were very helpful.
Writing my thesis would have been much more difficult without the support I have received from my family and friends. A special thanks to Oscar, Gina and Kristine for motivating me and being there for me when I was lost.
v A4AI Alliance for Affordable Internet
ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations BBC British Broadcasting Corporation
BTI Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index CSO Central Statistical Organisation
FDI Foreign Direct Investment GDP Gross Domestic Product GNI Gross National Income
ICT Information and Communications Technology ITU International Telecommunications Union LDC Least Developed Countries
MCRB Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business MDG Millennial Development Goals
MIMU Myanmar Information Management Unit NGO Non-Governmental Organisation
NLD National League for Democracy
NMBU Norges Miljø- og Biovitenskapelige Universitet UN United Nations
UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development UNDP United Nations Development Programme
PRIO Peace and Research Institute Oslo SDG Sustainable Development Goals TT Technological Transitions
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ... IV ACRONYMS ... V
1. INTRODUCTION ... 1
1.1PROBLEM STATEMENT ... 2
1.2OBJECTIVE AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS ... 2
1.3THESIS OUTLINE ... 3
2. MYANMAR BACKGROUND ... 4
2.1HISTORICAL BACKGROUND (1948-2010) ... 4
2.2POLITICAL TRANSITION SINCE 2010 ... 6
2.3.SOCIAL AND CULTURAL ASPECTS ... 8
2.4DIGITALISATION AND CENSORSHIP ... 10
3. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ... 14
3.1TECHNOLOGICAL AND SOCIOTECHNICAL TRANSITIONS ... 14
3.2THE SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT GOALS ... 18
3.2.1 SDG 9 ... 19
3.2.2 SDG 17 ... 19
3.3CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK... 20
3.3.1 The Internet ... 20
3.3.2 Digitalisation and development ... 24
3.4ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK ... 28
4. METHODOLOGY ... 29
4.1RESEARCH DESIGN ... 29
4.2SELECTION OF STUDY AREA ... 30
4.3DATA COLLECTION METHODS ... 31
4.3.1 Selection of Informants ... 31
4.3.2 The interviews... 32
4.3.3 Secondary sources ... 33
4.3.4 Data Analysis ... 35
4.3.5 Validity and reliability ... 35
4.5LIMITATIONS ... 36
5. FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION ... 39
5.1THE CURRENT SITUATION REGARDING ACCESS TO INTERNET IN MYANMAR ... 39
5.1.1 Internet penetration ... 40
5.1.2 Assessing how Internet is accessed ... 44
5.1.3 Gaps in access to Internet ... 46
5.3ASSESSING THE CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES OF INCREASED ACCESS TO INTERNET ... 47
5.3.1 Opportunities of Internet access in Myanmar ... 48
5.3.2 Challenges of increased access to Internet ... 52
5.4DISCUSSION:SOCIO-TECHNICAL TRANSITIONS AND INTERNET IN MYANMAR... 57
6. CONCLUSION ... 61
REFERENCES ... 63
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1. INTRODUCTION
Digitalisation and access to Internet has revolutionised the world. Countries have become dependent on digital solutions on individual and governmental levels, as well as for economic growth and political stability. Digitalisation has become a tool in development policies, contributing to the differences between the levels of digitalisation in various
countries. Between 2005 and 2015, the number of Internet users tripled on a global level, and as many as 3.2 billion people were online at the end of 2015 (World Bank, 2016). Even though this is a large number, it only account for about 40% of the world’s population (World Bank, 2016), and this illustrates just how important it is to continue a secure and regulated digitalisation to include everyone in the digital revolution. Internet access can promote development and establishing democratic values in illiberal countries (World Bank, 2016).
Nonetheless, Internet has resulted in digital technologies being unevenly distributed, and this digital divide must be closed for the revolution to endure (World Bank, 2016).
The definition utilised in this thesis defines Internet as a computer and mobile network providing a variety of information and communications services. Internet access implies the ability to connect to Internet, where accessibility, availability and affordability are vital factors.
In Myanmar the transition into a digital hub has occurred only in recent years, where lack of “digital legacy” has provided room for installing the latest technologies (Telenor, 2018). The country has seen a huge change from being one of the least digitalised countries before 2010, to becoming one of the most digitalised developing countries today (Calderaro, 2016; Telenor, 2018). The digital development has contributed to many opportunities, but also several challenges and risks. Internet is primarily accessed with a mobile phone, where smartphones account for most phone ownerships. On the one hand, the Internet and social media contribute to digital business opportunities and many women use the platform as a tool for empowerment but at the same time, has hate speech and harassment via social media become a huge problem. In economic terms, Internet access has contributed to economic growth, increased trade and digital financial solutions, but the lack of cyber capabilities and regulations restrict the effectiveness of these improvements. Statistically, Internet access demonstrates a digital progress in Myanmar, with number of Internet users and mobile phone owner continuously rising. Nonetheless, digital divides provide a huge challenge in ensuring universal and affordable access to Internet, where gender, demography and skills are relevant elements.
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This thesis will further investigate the current situation of Internet access in Myanmar, and the challenges and opportunities it brings. The sociotechnical transitions approach will be used to assess how the Internet landscape is shaping in the country. The study involves three interviews and a wide variety of secondary sources, with a qualitative research design.
1.1 Problem statement
In Myanmar digitalisation has occurred at a rapid rate since 2011, when the
democratisation process began. It has also seen a massive increase since the liberalisation of the telecommunications sector in 2013. Democratisation of the country brought less strict laws regarding freedom of speech and use of Internet. However, challenges surrounding censorship and imprisonment of people expressing themselves online must be addressed.
There are both opportunities and challenges resulting from increased access to Internet, especially in a developing country such as Myanmar. However, the challenges the country are facing seems to outweigh the opportunities Internet brings. The problem to be addressed is therefore to identify the opportunities and challenges in relation to the current situation of Internet access in Myanmar, and to evaluate whether Internet is causing more unrest and instability than progress for development and the Internet transition.
The purpose of this study is hence to assess how increased Internet access has contributed to challenges and opportunities in social, economic and political terms, and to assess the current situation of Internet access in Myanmar.
1.2 Objective and Research questions
There are two objectives of this thesis that regards Internet access from two perspectives with underlying selective research questions.
Objective one is to assess the current situation in Myanmar regarding access to Internet.
Research question 1: What is the current situation on Internet coverage?
Research question 2: Who has access to Internet?
Research question 3: How is Internet accessed?
Objective two is to analyse what challenges and opportunities increased access to Internet in Myanmar has contributed to.
Research question 1: What are the political implications of increased access to Internet?
Research question 2: What are the economic benefits of increased access to Internet?
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Research question 3: How do the digital divides explain the inequalities in access to Internet?
Research question 4: How is social media used?
1.3 Thesis outline
This thesis consist of five chapters, in addition to the conclusion. The first chapter introduces the study and explains the problem statement, objectives and the respective research questions. Next, in chapter two, the background on Myanmar will be investigated, where history, social aspects, political transition and digitalisation will be examined. This chapter attempts to give an overview of previous events that are relevant for the meaning of increased Internet access in Myanmar.
Chapter three introduces the theoretical framework, where the sociotechnical transitions approach is explained. The SDGs are described as a measure for the current situation of Internet access in Myanmar. The conceptual framework consists of definitions and related contexts of Internet, Internet access, ICT, digitalisation and development, where several elements are relevant. Lastly, the analytical framework is explained with a figure to clarify how the findings are analysed.
In the fourth chapter the methodology will be presented, and the qualitative research design and data collection will be explained. The data collection enlightens the process of selecting of informants, the interviews, secondary sources and the data analysis. The limitations will be presented in the last part of this chapter.
The last chapter, chapter five, consists of the findings and discussion. This chapter divided into the two objectives; current situation of Internet access, and the challenges and opportunities of Increased Internet access in Myanmar. Because the findings are numerous, the discussion is provided in the sub-chapters, but the final discussion is presented in relation to the sociotechnical transitions approach at the end of the chapter.
Lastly, the conclusion will sum up the findings and discussion, followed by the reference list.
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2. MYANMAR BACKGROUND
Myanmar is a relatively large country with a population of 55.62 million people as of July 2018 (CIA, 2019), and covers 676,552 square kilometres (BBC, 2018 c). The capital is Nay Pyi Taw, but the largest city is Yangon (CIA, 2019). 70% of the total population of Myanmar lives in rural areas (World Bank, n.d.). Even though Myanmar is rich in natural resources and covers a large area, it is considered one of the least developed countries in Asia (World Bank, 2018). The digitalisation is contributing to significant changes and
developments, but challenges remain.
In a 2013 study, Myanmar was deemed the second least digitalised country in the world in terms of number of Internet users and mobile subscriptions, with only North Korea coming out worse (Calderaro, 2014). The political transition that occurred in 2010 has
contributed to many changes. This has resulted in a digitalisation process connection both the population of Myanmar to each other and to the rest of the world.
With digitalisation and increased access to Internet, the population of Myanmar has a huge potential to improve. Internet, social media and mobile phones give opportunities for civic society, activists and politicians to share their ideas and missions. The economy has the potential to grow significantly with digitalisation and new, advanced technology, and
improvements in ICT and telecommunications in Myanmar could enhance many aspects of the life of citizens (Human Rights Watch, 2013).
Nonetheless, there is another side to this story and there are several aspects that are important to understand in order to further assess the digitalisation process in Myanmar. This chapter will first explain the historical background form the end of the British rule in
Myanmar in 2948 until 2010. Secondly, the political transition from 2010 until today will be described. In the third sub-chapter, the social aspects, such as urban, rural and ethnic
minorities will be examined. In the last part of this chapter, the digitalisation and history of censorship will be discussed.
2.1 Historical background (1948-2010)
Looking back in time, the changes that has occurred in Myanmar have contributed to shape the country. It was a British colony until 1948 and was considered a democracy until a military coup in 1962 (Xu and Albert, 2016). Myanmar was under the control of the military until the beginning of the political transition in 2010 (Kipgen, 2016: 8). The military coup of 1962 introduced many changes; the country became a single-party state controlled by the
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military-led Socialist Programme Party, and the economy was nationalised (BBC, 2018 a).
The military junta also introduced a ban on independent news outlets (BBC, 2018 a). Further changes were introduced through a new constitution of 1974, where policies became
isolationistic (Xu and Albert, 2016). At the same time, The People’s Assembly was established where the armed forces did no longer hold the same level of power, however Assembly was led by previous military leaders (BBC, 2018 a).
The country had experienced massive food shortages, protests and decreasing living standards in the years leading up to 1988. In August that year, the 888 democracy uprising began, which caused major unrest in the country resulting in a large number of deaths
(Kipgen, 2016, p. 20). In 1989, the military regime decided to change the official name of the state from Burma to Union of Myanmar, as Burma was associated with the colonisation era and the change was therefore regarded necessary for the now independent country (Xu and Albert, 2016).
In 1990, an election was held that was considered mostly free and fair, which surprised many (Kipgen, 2016: 21). The National League for Democracy (NLD) won most seats in the Assembly, and the support for the party’s leader Aung San Suu Kyi was massive (Kipgen, 2016: 21). The democratically elected NLD demanded that the military-backed party would step down, but their disappointment in the election result made them refuse to hand over power (Kipgen, 2016: 21). The military answered by arresting several representatives from NLD, and the political tension in Myanmar was significantly heightened (Kipgen, 2016: 22).
Myanmar became a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1997 (Kipgen 2016: 58). Since that time, the Association has reported its dissatisfaction with some of the Myanmar government’s actions, especially during the Saffron Revolution (which will be explained later on) (Thuzar, 2017). Under the military regime, Myanmar had a
passive and reactive role and did not assert any strategic diplomatic power (Thuzar, 2017).
Cribb (1998) argues that by granting Myanmar a membership, ASEAN’s relationship to the West became very strained, and the Association had been recommended not to do so.
Nonetheless, ASEAN regarded the country as resourceful, especially with natural resources, and was concerned that China would take advantage of Myanmar if they did not (Cribb, 1998).
During the 2000s, there were a range of events that have been of importance for the political transition at the end of the decade. The Saffron revolution in 2007 had a huge impact because the Internet was used as a tool for activists and civilians to gather and to share
information within the country and to communicate with the outside world (Chowdhury,
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2008). In 2008, the Cyclone Nagris killed 140 000 people, and this became widely publicised around the world due to the Myanmar government blocking international aid (Xu and Albert, 2016). In 2008, Myanmar also voted on a new constitution, which won a significant majority, but the vote was regarded as fraud by several activist groups (Xu and Albert, 2016).
Historically, Myanmar has several times become a prime example of how a country has limited the rights of their inhabitants. The house arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi and the Saffron revolution were especially regarded as important cases that opened the eyes of people across the globe, and laid attention on human rights in Myanmar, but also everywhere else (Keefer, 2012).
2.2 Political transition since 2010
From 2010 until this day, Myanmar has transformed from a military dictatorship to a formally democratic state (Jones, 2014). In the 2010 election and with the new constitution in place, the military junta made a promise to slowly democratise the country once again
(Kipgen, 2016: 75). In 2011, the military junta was dissolved, and a civilian parliament was established (Xu and Albert, 2016: Kipgen, 2016). This also included appointment of a president, Thein Sein, a former military general, who supposedly represented the civilians (Xu and Albert, 2016). The process towards a civilian parliament also called for many reforms. Among those were amnesty for most political prisoners (even though this occurred over several years), lessening of censorship, and efforts to make peace with ethnic rebel groups (Xu and Albert, 2016). The year after, in 2012, there was a by-election of parliament seats where NLD won 44 out of 46 seats (Xu and Albert, 2016). The NLD is led by Aung San Suu Kyi who has fought for a freer and less isolated Myanmar for decades, and had been in detention since 1989 until 2010, both in prison and under house arrest (Kipgen, 2016; Xu and Albert, 2016, Human Rights Watch, 2010).
During the same year, several economic reforms occurred, and the government’s role was reduced in serval sectors (Xu and Albert, 2016). That included the telecommunications sector, and the market was later liberalised to include foreign telecommunications companies’
involvement in 2013 (A4AI, 2015). A new foreign investment law was passed, and FDI increased by $7.1 billion from 2010 to 2015 (Xu and Albert, 2016). The opening for foreign investment was a huge step for Myanmar to be included in the international market.
According to McKinsey, Myanmar’s economy can potentially increase to $200 billion in 2030, from $45 billion in 2010 (Xu and Albert, 2016).
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The declining censorship that occurred in 2011 resulted in abolishment of censorship of the Myanmar’s media in 2012 (BBC, 2012). Before this, all work by journalists had to be submitted and approved before publication. However, newspapers and journalists were given guidelines on how to write about sensitive or controversial topics and had to write within those terms (BBC, 2012). The reform also gave the population access to more Internet websites than previously (BBC, 2012).
The election of 2015 was an important milestone in the political transition of
Myanmar. This was the freest election since the democratisation process started and was also considered fair (BTI, 2018). Even though the election was considered credible, there were several issues. First of all, the military had 25% of seats in the lower and upper houses, as is mentioned in the military-drafted constitution, where unelected military representatives were allocated seats (BBC, 2015). The military did also have veto over constitutional changes (BBC, 2015). Secondly, Muslims were discriminated against during the campaigning before the election and were denied the chance to run for Office due to uncertainty of citizenship (BTI, 2018). There was an undertone of ultra-nationalist Buddhism during the election campaigning (BTI, 2018), which to some degree undermined the results, even though the election was ruled credible.
The result of the election was a landslide win for the NLD (BBC, 2015), with Htin Kyaw as the first civilian president (BBC, 2016). Aung San Suu Kyi could not become President herself because of a clause in the constitution prohibiting persons with children holding another citizenship, as hers hold British citizenship (BBC, 2016). The clause is said to be tailored against her (BBC, 2016). Nonetheless, Aung San Suu Kyi could still hold power in the government as State Counsellor, similar to Prime Minister and de facto head of state (The Guardian, 2018).
There was a new by-election in 2018, where it was clear that the NLD had lost votes compared to the election in 2015 (Reuters, 2018). The neglection of ethnic minorities and the conflicts that has occurred was regarded as the reason, as the votes lost were primarily from ethnic minorities (Reuters, 2018). Earlier in 2018, Htin Kyaw resigned and a new President was chosen by the Parliament in March. The new President is Win Myint, a close adviser to Suu Kyi (BBC, 2018 b).
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2.3. Social and cultural aspects
There are some relevant factors when assessing the social aspects of Myanmar First of all, the divide between rural and urban populations, because of the difference between their opportunities. Secondly, the ethnicities, religions and cultural differences, because this has been a challenge in Myanmar for a long time.
Myanmar consists of mostly rural or non-urban populations (ITU, 2012), but as mentioned, the largest population density is found in Yangon where more than 5 million people live (CIA, 2019). The population density is the largest in states where urban capitals are situated, such as Mandalay, Bago and Nay Pyi Taw, in addition to Yangon (MIMU, 2014). The population are, as mentioned, divided between rural and urban areas, and there are also a large share of the population living below the poverty line (World Bank, 2017). The poor most often live in rural areas, where infrastructure is even more limited than the rest of the country. More than 30% of the population live below the poverty line, and in rural areas almost 40% are considered poor, compared to 14% in urban areas (World Bank, 2017).
Myanmar is a country where several ethnic groups reside, there are believed to be 135 different ethnicities within the country (Kipgen, 2016: 11). These are divided into Burmese and non-Burmese, and non-Burmese includes several ethnic minorities (Walton, 2013).
Before the colonisation by the British, many of the ethnic minorities, that are by some considered non-Burmese, resided in areas that had not previously been regarded as part of Myanmar (Kipgen, 2016). These areas had been independent kingdoms and their territories were referred to as “Frontier Areas” (Kipgen, 2016: 8). It was the British, as colonial power, who regarded the ethnic minorities and the Burmese as belonging to the same state (Kipgen, 2016: 8).
The country is divided into seven states and seven administrative areas that are, more or less, constructed by ethnicity (Holliday, 2007). The Burmese language, Buddhism and the Burman ethnic group are officially what constitutes who are considered Burmese. While this is the largest ethnic group, and in addition there are seven other ethnic minorities (BTI, 2018). The minorities in Myanmar are still fighting for acknowledgement for their religion, customs and languages (BTI, 2018). According to Walton (2013), differentiated treatment of Burmese and non-Burmese is institutionalised, and this is a result of the military
government’s long battle with the ethnic minorities. An example is that the political reforms after 2011 have in some cases not benefitted the non-Burmese people, and even though most
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Burmese have enjoyed a more open and free country, some minorities have rather
experienced increased repression (Walton, 2013). Kipgen (2016: 14) argues that colonialism could be blamed for the huge ethnic division in Myanmar, and that the conflict between ethnicities was therefore enhanced after the independence due to the differences in culture, language, customs, etcetera. The integration of ethnic minorities was an issue that the
government did not acknowledge after the independence, and negligence of the ethnic armed groups and their demand for autonomy resulted in unrest, which is still present today
(Kipgen, 2016: 18).
The country consists of around 90% Buddhists and 3-4% Muslims (Calderaro, 2016), and the small population of Muslims have been alienated from the society. There have been many violent conflicts between ethnicities, and especially between Buddhists and Muslims (Calderaro, 2016). The ethnicities are often differentiated according to religion or being Burmese and non-Burmese, where Burmese are mostly Buddhists (BTI, 2018). Several ethnic areas are controlled by armed groups, especially at the borders to China and Thailand, and these areas are regularly in unstable situations (BTI, 2018). In 2015 under the Thein Sein government, a ceasefire agreement was drawn between the government and several armed groups, but there are still some groups that have not signed the agreement and the situation in these areas are uncertain (BTI, 2018). The groups that signed the agreement where quite weak, and those who are militarily stronger are yet to sign. There are still 7 out of the 15 armed groups in the country that has not signed the ceasefire agreement, and the ethnic conflict is therefore not solved (BTI, 2018).
The largest ethnic conflict in Myanmar in recent times is regarding the Rohingya Muslims. The conflict between ultra-nationalist Buddhists and Muslims have long been a challenge, but in 2012, violence against the Rohingya Muslims escalated, leaving many displaced (BTI, 2018). The issue can be traced back to the Citizenship Law that was created in 1982, where Burmese citizens are divided into those who lived in Myanmar before the colonisation by the British, those who moved into the country before independence, and those who came after the independence (BTI, 2018). The Rohingya Muslims are therefore
considered non-Burmese and do not hold official citizenship, even though many have family roots dating back to before the colonisation and independence (BTI, 2018). The political rights of Muslims have not been acknowledged, and this was evident during the 2015 election (BTI, 2018).
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2.4 Digitalisation and censorship
Digitalisation has in general been lacking in Myanmar compared to other countries in the region, and access to Internet has been very limited and introduced later than in
neighbouring countries (A4AI, 2015). As a country that has developed from an autocratic and isolated country, it is important to ensure that this process is based on the populations’ basic rights (Calderaro, 2016). Due to the country’s state of isolation from the outside world, lack of competence in policy making regarding access to Internet has become a challenge (Calderaro, 2016). Limited understanding of access to Internet as a public good has created uncertainty and confusion for both government and population. With democratisation and liberalisation, the international community are increasingly capable of assisting (Gjesvik and Schia, 2018). International assistance with capacity building of Internet can be an essential factor for the further digitalisation process in Myanmar (Gjesvik and Schia, 2018).
The first email service was introduced in 1997 and the first public Internet access was in 1998 but was in control of the government and people needed a permission to use the service (Troester, 2001). This implied that people not approved by the government had to post information about the country from Internet sources outside of the country (Human Rights Watch, 2013). As of late 2000, the government was the only provider of Internet in Myanmar (Troester, 2001). In 2011, Freedom House (2011) reported that there were two main Internet providers in the country, both controlled by the government.
When Internet was established in Myanmar, the military junta was in charge, and that resulted in a very sceptical approach to Internet, but also to ICT in general. Information flows were significantly controlled, both information that the population could access from abroad and the information that was sent from within Myanmar (Human Rights Watch, 2013).
People experienced strict penalties for expressing anything against the government, military, or similar, online (Human Rights Watch, 2013). The Internet did introduce a more accessible platform where activists and civic society could express their ideas and thoughts and reach people across the country and abroad. However, this also contributed to people being routinely arrested and incarcerated for criticising the government, or accessing without permission (Human Rights Watch, 2013).
In addition to the fear of being arrested due to use of social media and/or expressing controversial thoughts online, there were also several other restricting mechanisms used by the government in order to limit the population’s use of Internet before 2011 (Freedom House, 2011). For example, according to the Computer Science Development Law of 1997,
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owning an “unregistered computer modem and connection to unauthorised computer networks” could be punishable with prison time up to 15 years (Freedom House, 2011:77).
Censorship has been widely used by the government, and there has also been several situations where the government has shut down the Internet and phone lines completely or partly (Chowdhury, 2008; Freedom House, 2011; Calderaro, 2014). Certain words such as
‘human rights’, ‘Burma’ and ‘military government’, were censored or a cause for blocking of a website, and some URLs were also completely blocked (Freedom House, 2011). A widely used example is the case of the Saffron revolution in Myanmar. This was an uprising that started in 2007 and was the first one in almost 10 years. The revolution was firstly associated with government ending subsidies of diesel fuel and natural gas, which resulted in
significantly higher prices (Xu and Albert, 2016). This caused protests in Yangon, and quickly spread across the country (Chowdhury, 2008). The government shut down Internet access for the whole country and international mobile phone connections were disabled, resulting in citizens being cut off from the rest of the world for almost two weeks
(Chowdhury, 2008). This was done to limit information about the revolution and uprisings to reach international press, and to limit foreign countries from intervening (Chowdhury, 2008).
There have also been several examples similar to the Saffron Revolution in later years, especially during sensitive times for the country. It is reported that before and during the election in 2010, many news sites, blogs, and similar, were blocked to limit the population from reading negative and controversial news about the election, the government and the political parties (Freedom House, 2011). This type of censorship is associated with withholding information from the population in order for the government to gain more legitimacy, however, this can also backfire (Bito et al, 2013). The Myanmar government has in several occasions used censorship, either by blocking Internet access completely or
slowing down the bandwidth (internet speed) temporarily, to limit information coming out of Myanmar and information coming into the country from abroad (Freedom House, 2011).
The largest hinders to access to Internet have been the cost and the restriction from the government. In year 2000, it was reported that the cost of a SIM card was around US$5000, and very few Burmese could afford that (A4AI, 2015). The price level was relatively high until 2014, though low compared to year 2000, until after the liberalisation of the telecom market, when the price level began to decrease drastically (A4AI, 2015). A4AI (2015) reports that the price of a SIM card in 2015 was equivalent to 1% of the cost in 2013. Due to the large share of rural populations in Myanmar, infrastructure for Internet and mobile phone service is a challenge. This is also relevant as a large portion of the poor live in rural areas,
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and access financially to Internet (including a mobile phone) is therefore still difficult (CSO et al, 2018). The populations that live in the borderline hill and mountain areas are especially prone to affordability and availability challenges (World Bank, 2017 a).
In 2012, the government of Myanmar announce that the telecommunications sector would be liberalised and introduced a competition for licences from international
telecommunications networks (A4AI, 2015). Telenor (Norwegian) and Ooredoo (Qatar based) won licences and was established on the telecom market in 2014 (Calderaro, 2014).
This was after a new Telecommunications Law was passed in October 2013, as this was necessary in order for international companies to establish networks in Myanmar (Dasand and Hudson, 2017). Ooredoo and Telenor were committed to connect 90% of Myanmar’s population in only 5 years, where Ooredoo focused mostly on training in ICT skills, while Telenor was focused on rural populations where the digital divide is the largest (Calderaro, 2016).
As of 2016, there are four telecommunications operators in Myanmar. In addition to Ooredoo and Telenor, there are Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications (MPT), a state- owned company, and MECtel, which is subsidised through military-led Myanmar Economic Corporation (Nyunt, 2016).
An issue that has been connected to the liberalisation of telecom market and licencing of telecom companies is human rights and the violations the Myanmar government has
committed. Because of censorship and limitation to freedom of expression for the population, there were concerns when international companies were to be involved in the telecom market (Human Rights Watch, 2013). It was made clear that the two companies had a huge
responsibility to protect and ensure digital freedoms for the Burmese population (Calderaro, 2016). Ooredoo has previously been reported to censor Internet on behalf of governments and do not have any clear policies on privacy and freedom of expression, Telenor, on the other hand, has clear guidelines and policies for freedom of expression and rights to privacy (Calderaro, 2016).
The use of social media has increased significantly since the democratisation process began. Blogs were common before 2010 and the democratisation, because these were often more accessible than other platforms under the military junta (Einzenberger, 2016). After 2011, Facebook became accessible in the country, but before that the time there was barley any users of the platform in Myanmar (Caryl, 2015), and it became the main social media platform in the country. Since then, Myanmar Times (Trautwein, 2016) reports that there
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were 9.7 million Burmese Facebook users in 2016, a number that increased drastically in only a few years.
With the increasing access to Internet in Myanmar, there is also a major focus on cyber security concerns, especially from the international audience (Gjesvik and Schia, 2018).
Cyber security can be a challenge for governments, organisations or businesses, and for individuals. Cyber security framework has to be addressed and implemented sufficiently for the further progress in Internet and for development in Myanmar (Gjesvik and Schia, 2018).
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3. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The theoretical framework will consist of three parts; introduction of the theoretical approach, which is technological transitions; the conceptual framework, which is a literature review of relevant concepts and the contexts; and lastly, the analytical framework explaining how the study is analysed. This chapter illustrates how digitalisation, such as increased access to Internet, is connected to relevant concepts and how the technical transitions and analytical framework can contribute to explain and assess digitalisation processes within a country.
3.1 Technological and sociotechnical transitions
Technological transitions (TT) is defined by Geels (2002) as “major technological transformations in the way societal functions such as transportation, communication, housing, feeding, are fulfilled” (Geels, 2002: 1257). Geels further explains that these transitions do not only involve the pure technological changes, but also the changes in elements surrounding these technological changes, such as regulations and infrastructure. When explaining TT, it is important to explain what technology is and Rip and Kemp (1998) explain that technology can be regarded as tools. In this sense, technology as tools are often “coming in from the outside, diffusing, and being taken up for its overt function” (Rip and Kemp, 1998: 330).
Important to point out, is that technology is not only tangible tools, but are also “…composed of materials and components, combined into devices and linkages, that in turn, are combined into a working system” (Rip and Kemp, 1998: 330). Rip and Kemp (1998) further explain that technology can be “configurations that work”, and these configurations are relevant in the explanation of TT because it can be explained as “change from one sociotechnical
configuration to another…” (Geels, 2002: 1258). Geels explains that these configurations are
“a heterogenous set of elements” (Geels, 2002: 1257), and in that regard realises a function.
From the explanations from Geels (2002) and Rip and Kemp (1998), technological transitions can be understood as system changes or system innovation. System innovation can often be interpreted as innovation on the level of a firm (in management and organisation), but Geels (2005: 1) explains that it can also be understood at a societal level surrounding the societal functions. In this regard, skills and infrastructure is vital elements in the process, which Rip and Kemp (1998) acknowledge.
Within the notion of TT, there are also socio-technical transitions, which further explain how the society is affected by technological transformations. Geels (2010) explains
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that system changes that can be considered socio-technical transitions do not only “entail new technologies, but also changes in markets, user practices, policy and cultural meaning”
(Geels, 2010: 495). Geels (2002: 1259) stresses the importance of “linkages between technical and social elements” which will provide stability in the regime and landscape. He further explains that sociotechnical change can be a progression of “shifting assemblies of associations and substitution, a reweaving of elements” (Geels, 2002: 1259). Van den Ende and Kemp (1999: 838) explain that in sociotechnical progress “the development and use of technology proceeds in tandem (but not necessarily in harmony) with social, economic and institutional change”. Smith et al (2005: 1491) adds to this, and explain that the use of regimes acknowledges that “firms and technologies are embedded within wider social and economic systems”. From the academics’ outline of the importance of sociotechnical perspective it is apparent that technical transitions cannot be understood without the social aspect, which includes political, cultural and economic aspects.
When using TT as a framework for analysis, it is essential to further explain the multi- level perspective that is used in the analysis (Kemp, 1994; Rip and Kemp, 1998; Van den Ende and Kemp, 1999; Geels, 2002; Geels, 2005; Geels, 2010). This perspective approach technological change on three levels: sociotechnical landscape, technological regimes and technological niches (Geels, 2002; 2005; 2010). Terms to explain this perspective differs among academics, but Geels’ terms will be ustilised. The multi-level perspective combines perspectives from several fields, such as innovation studies, science and technology studies, and evolutionary economics, which strengthens the usefulness of the perspective (Geels, 2005: 75-6).
Technological regimes are explained by van den Ende and Kemp (1999: 848) as the embedded rule set of sociotechnical developments, and these are “configurations of science, techniques, production routines, institutions, and engineering and social practices that are labelled in terms of technology”. The regime explains the existence of technological trajectories and is the “cognitive routines that are shared by engineers and designers in different companies” (Geels, 2005: 77). Rip and Kemp (1998) include that skills, infrastructures and institutions are similarly vital factors in the technological regime.
Formal and normative rules are central to stabilise and influence technological trajectories, and these rules can be difficult to change through technological transitions (Geels, 2005). Rules, in this sense, are often established in society to coordinate action and interaction between humans, and by introducing technological change these rules might be
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changed simultaneously. Both Rip and Kemp (1998) and Geels (2005) explain that
technological regimes can therefore be considered as set of rules, and in that sense will the regimes contribute to change existing rules within a society in the technological transition.
Reconfiguration, in a stepwise process, characterises the regime within the technological transition (Geels, 2002), and this process can be related to the reconfiguration of rulesets in the society.
Technological niches (also called novelties) explain how radically new technologies emerge and infiltrates the technological regime. Niches are hence radical innovations that take place in the technological market, and are often expensive and low performing (Geels, 2005: 79). However, the niche level can be interpreted as a ‘breeding ground’ for
technological innovations where a learning process for both suppliers and users take place (van den Ende and Kemp, 1999). The niches occur at the level of technology companies or laboratories (van den Ende and Kemp, 1999). Geels (2002: 1261) explain that niches are necessary in technological transitions because “they provide the seeds for change”. He further supports this by saying that niches provide grounds for social networks building and
development of innovations. Niches occur under existing technological regimes and sociotechnical landscapes, but through this process can influence changes in the two wider levels (van den Ende and Kemp, 1999).
The last level of the multi-level perspective is the sociotechnical landscape. The technological trajectories are located here and consists of external trends that are relevant for the regime (Geels, 2005: 78). Geels further explains that the landscape can contain economic growth, cultural and normative values, environmental issues, among others, but do also include physical infrastructure. These are hence deep structural changes (Geels, 2002). Geels (2005: 79) introduces two types of changes in the landscape. Firstly, there are changes in ideologies and political culture, or cultural and demographic changes. These are considered slow processes. On the other hand, there are rapid changes, which can be cause by wars or economic depression, among others.
Geels (2002: 1261) illustrate that the relationship between the three levels can be regarded as a “nested hierarchy”. The niches are the micro-level where seeds for growth are planted, the meso-level is the technological regimes where stability and development of technological change occur, and lastly, the landscape is the macro-level and where external factors are changing and adapting (Geels, 2002; van den Ende and Kemp, 1999). Hence, innovations at the niche level can evolve within existing regimes, which, in turn, will slowly transform the sociotechnical landscape (Rip and Kemp, 1998). Smith et al (2005) suggest that
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regime changes, can also be influenced by social change, this can for example be situations where society pressures change for technological advancement and for innovation, rather than from the technology sector. This can be related to changes in consumer culture and the needs of individuals, rather than that of society. This can similarly influence changes and progress in the sociotechnical landscape. Important to mention, is that the seed for change can be planted at any level of the multi-level perspective (Geels, 2002). However, radical
innovations are mostly at the niches level while innovations forming on the other two level are usually incremental (Geels, 2002). Change in consumer culture can be an example here, because this will not necessarily be considered niches, but rather the regime level changes or changes in the economic and political landscape.
Using an example relevant to this study can clarify the approach further. Van den Ende and Kemp (1999) use the case of the computer regime and how that grew out of existing regimes. They conclude that “the digital computer regime grew out of existing computing regimes, and developed into a new regime with its own distinctive technological possibilities, user practices, institutions, organisational context and range of applications”
(van den Ende and Kemp, 1999: 833). Previous knowledge and user-supplier relationships help shape the new regimes that emerged, and the increasing demand for computers was additionally an important factor due to expectations of what functions the computer had.
There are some weaknesses to the technological transitions approach. Geels (2005) recognises that the multi-level perspective cannot necessarily explain replacements of technology, which can therefore be confused when utilising TT as an analytical framework.
He explains that the framework does not explain the relationship between existing regimes and the emerging, but focuses rather on understanding the emergence of technologies. Genus and Coles (2008) are not convinced that the multi-level perspective is an effective tool for analysis and introduce several limitations. They suggest that the definition of transitions is challenging, due to the question of where the start and endpoint is. Further, they argue that the difference between a renewal of system and a transition, especially radical, is difficult to distinguish. In conclusion, Genus and Coles suggest that the criticism of the multi-level perspective “indicates limitations thereof to generate rich and insightful accounts of transitions” (2008: 1444).
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3.2 The Sustainable Development Goals
Looking at the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in relation to access to Internet, it is clear that every goal is dependent on, or could be improved through, digitalisation. As the SDGs suggest, the purpose is to sustain the world and prepare the people for the future. Sustainable development can be explained as the “process of ensuring that the present development is sustained and maintained for the future” (Olise, 2010). The future is rapidly advancing technologically, and that does also include digitalisation. For developing countries to develop further, it is therefore essential that digitalisation, used as a tool to guarantee the SDGs, is adequately established. Olise (2010) uses the Millennial Development Goals (MDGs) for analysis and explains that ICT can be very important in actualising goals for development in many sectors, such as education, health, agriculture and business. Because the SDGs are also covering these issues, only to a larger extent, the importance of ICT and digitalisation is still very relevant. A report from 2017 by the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) explains the importance of ICT for every sustainable development goal and stresses the importance of ‘getting everyone online’
(Benson Wahlén, 2017). A report by the World Bank in 2016 emphases how countries should make Internet accessible and affordable for all, and stresses that by doing this the SDGs will be easier fulfilled (World Bank, 2016).
There are four goals in which the targets mention access to Internet and ICT as indicators, and essential for the goals to be fulfilled. ICT is mentioned in goal 4, 5, 9 and 17 (van der Valden, 2018). The topic of each respective goal is; education; equality; industry, innovation and infrastructure; and partnerships for the goals (UN, n.d. a; b; c; d). Access to Internet and ICT are illustrated in the targets as a measure of digitalisation. Goal 4, quality education, mention in target 4.4 that ICT training is vital for quality education and to be equipped for jobs, and the indicator evaluate the number of young people with ICT skills (UN. n.d. a). Goal 5, gender equality, include ICT in target 5B as essential for women’s empowerment and the indicator is number of people who own a mobile phone, by sex (UN, n.d. b). Goal 9, industry, innovation and infrastructure, mentions in target 9C that access to ICT and affordable Internet is enabling this goal, and the indicator is number of people covered by mobile network (UN, n.d. c). Goal 17, partnerships for the goals, focuses on enhancing the enabling technologies, and especially ICT (UN, n.d. d). This include indicators on both number of people with fixed Internet broadband subscription (17.6.2) and people using the Internet (17.8).
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The SDGs will be utilised as indicators to assess the current situation of access to Internet in Myanmar, and SDG 9 and 17 have been chosen as analytical tools. More specifically, targets 9.C,17. 6 and 17.8.
3.2.1 SDG 9
The sustainable development goal number 9 concerns industry, innovation and
infrastructure. This goal is essential for economic growth and development and acknowledges the need for sustainable technological solutions for economic and environmental
development (UNDP, n.d.). Goal 9 specifies that “investments in infrastructure – transport, irrigation, energy and information and communication technology – are crucial to achieving sustainable development and empowering communities in many countries” (UN, n.d. e).
Target 9.C specifies the notion of ICT even further, and this target is to provide universal access to information and communications technology (UN, 2017), and the goal of this target is to “strive to provide universal and affordable access to the Internet in least developed countries by 2020” (UN, 2017). The indicator of target 9.C is to measure the share of the population that is covered by mobile networks (CSO and UNDP, 2017).
3.2.2 SDG 17
Sustainable Development Goal 17 presents partnerships for the goals (UN, n.d. d).
This goal ensures that global partnerships are strengthened for sustainable development and concerns partnerships between civil society, governments and private sector (SDG tracker, n.d. b). There are as many as 19 targets for this goal, but two are relevant for digitalisation;
target 17.6 and 17.8, which both discusses the importance of access to ICT and Internet.
Target 17.6 specifies the importance of cooperation and knowledge sharing in relation to access to science, technology and innovation, and the importance of a global technology facilitation mechanism (UN, 2017). There are two indicators within this target; science and technology cooperation and fixed broadband subscriptions. The last indicator is most relevant here. Indicator 17.6.2 use number of fixed broadband subscription per 100 people as a
measure to evaluate technology penetration (UN, 2017).
Target 17.8 concerns strengthening and cooperate on science, technology and innovation capacity for the least developed countries (UN, 2017). The target focuses on estimating how many people in a country use the Internet to evaluate the degree of digitalisation, availability and accessibility of ICT and Internet networks. The goal of this
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target is to “fully operationalise the technology bank and science, technology and innovation capacity-building mechanism for least developed countries, in particular information and communications technology” (UN, n.d. f). The number of people using the Internet (within a country) is a relevant indicator for this target, which can be found under target 9.C as well.
3.3 Conceptual Framework
To understand the study that will be conducted, it is important to explain terminology and the relation between the different concepts. There are some key concepts that are important to further define; Internet and ICT, and cyberspace, cyber security; digitalisation and
development, how censorship is a hindrance, and the digital divide.
3.3.1 The Internet
The Oxford English Dictionary (2019) define Internet as “a global computer network providing a variety of information and communications facilities, consisting of
interconnected networks using standardized communications protocols.” Today, Internet is more than just a computer network due to the increasing importance of mobile network. As a general definition this is sufficient, and mobile networks will be included in the definition of Internet utilised in this study. The Cambridge Dictionary (2019) define Internet access as “the ability to connect to the Internet” and I argue that ability can consist of several factors;
accessibility, availability, affordability. The three perspectives of ability to connect can explain the obstacles to access. The two definitions is used in this thesis.
The Internet was first established in 1962 but was at the time not the Internet we know today. By the late 1980s, however, the Internet was used by many researchers and developers, and soon became more common in other communities as a communication technology, mainly for used for e-mail (Leiner et al, 1997). Leiner et al (1997: 106) explain that “the Internet is as much a collection of communities as a collection of technologies” and the infrastructure was effectively built based on the needs to satisfy the communities. In the late 1990s, the Internet had become a commodity service that had become an “information infrastructure as support for other commercial services” (Leiner et al, 1997: 106). The first Internet website, along with the World Wide Web, was launched in 1990, and was accessible to everyone with a device that supported Internet. In 1995, 44 million people were already using the Internet and in 5 years that grew to 413 million users (Murphy and Roser, 2019).
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According to data by Murphy and Roser (2019), 3.4 billion people used the Internet by 2016, and in South Asia alone there were 468 million users.
This illustrates how fast the importance and demand for Internet grew, and how it became an essential element in the digitalisation process. Today, the Internet has transformed the computer and communications world, and the computer, radio and telephone has “all set the stage for the Internet’s unprecedented integration of capabilities” (Leiner et al, 1997:
102). The Internet has changes daily life of most people in the world, by changing “the way we work, spend our leisure time and communicate with another” (Murphy and Roser, 2019).
The Internet has contributed to many new opportunities and has created a whole new idea of how people communicate. The Internet can contribute to access to information, access to markets and communication tools, and from a developing country’s point of view these elements can be very beneficial.
The Internet is suggested to promote development in a causal relationship. According to the World Bank’s “Digital Dividends” (2016), the Internet can promote development on three occasions. Firstly, the Internet can overcome information problems. This can be related to for example market access, which is significantly easier to access through Internet, and with a mobile phone, and this can again foster inclusion (especially financial). Secondly, the Internet can lead to lower transaction costs, which can then result in higher productivity of existing factors of production. The last is the enormous innovation potential the Internet promotes. This can lead to scale of economies and can be very beneficial for both small- and large-scale businesses (World Bank, 2016: 42-45). This illustrates how Internet can
contribute to economic enhancement and growth for developing countries, as well as
developed countries. Nonetheless, the Internet has not developed equally across the globe and there are diverging differences from developed and less or least developed countries. A digital divide has occurred with the increasing digitalisation and access to Internet, which will be discussed further below.
To evaluate the degree of Internet access, there are two important measures that indices and statistics use. Subscriptions to broadband is relevant because this illustrates the degree of demand for and, to some degree, the use of Internet. There are two types of broadband; fixed broadband and mobile broadband. Fixed broadband is defined by World Bank as:
“…the fixed subscription to high-speed access to the public Internet […], at downstream speeds equal to, or greater than, 256 kbits/s. This includes cable modem, DLS, fiber-to-the-
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home/building, other fixed (wired)-broadband subscriptions, satellite broadband and terrestrial fixed wireless broadband” (World Bank, n.d.).
Fixed broadband is connected to two fixed sites where data is transmitted between and covers a fixed area. Mobile broadband, on the other hand, is Internet access through mobile
networks, and is in theory not a broadband. Mobile broadband is Internet access via cellular networks, and this type of Internet use cell towers to transmit data from and to mobile
phones, or other digital tools (ITU, 2019). The largest difference between the two is that fixed broadband has a higher speed (traditionally) than mobile broadband, but the mobile networks is continuously improving. It is important to note that mobile cellular subscriptions can be both with or without data packages and will also differ between using a smartphone or a
‘keypad only’ phone, and the availability of Internet access from the specific phone (ITU, 2019). It is therefore a difference between number of subscriptions and the actual usage of Internet.
Information and communication technology (ICT) is the term that has been used for several decades to explain the transformation from physical form information and
communication, towards a digital technology form. ICT is considered modern computing, and the infrastructure and components that supports the computing system (Rouse, 2017). As the name suggests, ICTs are tools for access to information and for communication, and can include mobile phones, the Internet, personal computers (e.g. laptop), and because ICT is used to access the Internet, the two elements are inseparable. ITU reports that broadband (Internet) access and availability has become the vital indicator for ICT potential and
performance in a country by 2017, and this indicates that broadband has become essential for economic and social development through ICT (ITU, 2017). ICT is crucial for developing countries to compete in the new digital world (Olise, 2010).
Due to the wide nature of ICTs and because the Internet can be regarded as part of ICTs, I have chosen to mainly address access to Internet. With that in mind, the tools that are necessary for Internet access are important elements. I will therefore consider mobile phone penetration as a factor of Internet access because most people in Myanmar use their phone for access (Ko Ko, 2019).
When measuring the extent of Internet usage and availability in a country the SDGs 9 and 17 can be useful. The indicators that are introduced in these goals, as mentioned above, are number of inhabitants using the Internet, number of fixed broadband subscriptions per 100 people, and number of people covered by mobile network (CSO and UNDP, 2017).
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Internet and ICT can be measured from several perspectives, including Internet usage, mobile use, and broadband subscriptions, but demand of computers, range of Internet network within a country, mobile subscriptions, etc., are also all relevant indicators for ICT.
Another useful tool to evaluate Myanmar’s progress is the ICT Development Index (IDI) provided by ITU. This index is based on three parts and 11 indicators in total. First, there is ICT use, which is divided into: fixed telephone subscriptions per 100 inhabitants, mobile-cellular telephone subscriptions per 100 inhabitants, international Internet bandwidth (bit/s) per Internet user, percentage of households with a computer, percentage of households with Internet access. Secondly, the indicators evaluate the ICT use: percentage of individuals using the Internet, fixed broadband subscription per 100 inhabitants, and active mobile- broadband subscriptions per 100 inhabitants. Lastly, is ICT skills: mean years of schooling, secondary gross enrolment ratio, and tertiary gross enrolment ratio (ITU, 2019). These three sub-indexes contribute to measure the IDI and evaluate the level of ICT and Internet access, infrastructure, skills, and usage. Important to mentioned, however, is that the indicators are slightly changed and has been improved to fit better to the usage of mobiles and Internet today. This change will be applied to the upcoming report in 2019, demonstrating IDI from 2018, while the numbers illustrated in this study will be from 2017 with the indicators explained here.
In relation to understanding Internet, cyberspace is important to define. In this regard, it is also relevant to explain cyber security and its importance for security online.
Cyberspace can be defined as “the realm of computer networks (and the users behind them) in which information is stored, shared, and communicated online.” (Singer and
Friedman, 2014). However, a definition of cyberspace can be difficult to totally agree upon, as cyberspace has change enormously since its beginning. Singer and Friedman (2014) explain that cyberspace is a global phenomenon, but it is nonetheless dependent on states and the boarders that surround a nation, which is important for developing countries. This is also relevant because cyberspace is constantly changing, and for countries to be able to have the same access to cyberspace, the countries must change with it. This is especially important considering that the level of digitalisation can vary from country to country, and particularly when comparing the Global North and the Global South. For the Global South to be able to develop at the same rates as the Global North in relation to digitalisation, cyberspace becomes a vital factor as information is shared and communicated online. Access to cyberspace does not only imply development technologically, but contributes to economic,
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political and social development as well (Klimburg and Zylberberg, 2015). As a result of the huge effect cyberspace has on developmental aspects, it is essential in today’s societies. Mitra and Watts (2002) predicted that cyberspace and the Internet would become as important as the radio and telephone was some decades ago. It can be further argued that it might be even more important, as information is now even faster shared through cyberspace.
Cyber security also becomes an essential component in this regard. Cyber security is the safety net around cyberspace, and therefore also digitalisation, and can be explained as
“the organisation and collection of resources, processes, and structures used to protect cyberspace and cyberspace-enabled systems from occurrences that misalign de jure from de facto property rights” (Craigen et al. (2014: 17). Cyber security is also important in
developing countries, but the lack of institutions and regulations regarding cyber security poses a challenge (Muller, 2015). Being a developing country without a sufficient cyber security system or the needed expertise of cyber space can be a huge vulnerability that other countries can easily exploit (Kundi et al., 2014).
3.3.2 Digitalisation and development
Internet is an important factor in today’s digital revolution. The digital revolution is also referred to as digitalisation and this process explains how the world is transforming into a digitally based society. Digitalisation is a term that can be difficult to define, as it is a term that encompasses so much. It is also important to distinguish between digitisation and digitalisation. Digitisation means that information is transformed from a physical form to a digital one (van der Velden, 2018). Digitalisation is then a step forwards and is defined as
“the increased connectivity and networking of digital technologies to enhance
communication, services, and trade between people, organisations and things” (Linkov et al, 2018: 1). From these two definitions, digitalisation is a process where countries, in this context, will improve systems of money transfers (mobile banking), education, information sharing, taxation, and so on, by using digital tools or the Internet. By looking at digitisation, it is clear from the definition above, that this is the first step for developing countries, as they are moving from physical format to a digital one. However, looking closer at the
transformation that is occurring now, the process is also what is defined as digitalisation, as they are using digital tools for education, it is used by governments to easier access
information, businesses are more efficient by using digital tools, and so on. This is therefore not only limited to the two terms explained here, but it is about ‘the information revolution’
