IMPACTS OF THE OIL AND GAS INDUSTRY ON THE LIVELIHOODS OF MEN AND WOMEN WORKING IN THE FISHERIES: A STUDY OF SHAMA, GHANA.
VICTORIA DOWOKPOR DEVELOPMENT GEOGRAPHY
UNIVERSITY OF BERGEN SPRING, 2015
IMPACTS OF THE OIL AND GAS INDUSTRY ON THE LIVELIHOODS OF MEN AND WOMEN WORKING IN THE FISHERIES: A STUDY OF SHAMA, GHANA.
BY
VICTORIA DOWOKPOR
THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF
MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY DEGREE IN DEVELOPMENT GEOGRAPHY
SPRING, 2015
i DEDICATION
To my late parents, Mr. Matthew Coffie Dowokpor and Mrs. Elizabeth Dowokpor, whose memory will forever remain in my heart. To my uncles Mr. Benson Dowokpor and Mr. George Dowokpor for their love and support.
ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am very grateful to the almighty God for his guidance and protection.
My profound gratitude goes to my supervisor, Associate Professor Ragnhild Overå for her comments, guidance and support throughout the research process. I am also thankful for her facilitation of my field work grant. To all the lecturers at the Department of Geography, your comments at various stages of my research are appreciated.
I am exceptionally grateful to the Norwegian State Educational Loan Fund (Statens Lånekassen) for the financial support during the entire period of study.
My sincere appreciation also goes to Dauda Anebi Adamu for finding time out of your busy schedule to offer assistance during the fieldwork. Your diverse contributions are much appreciated. I am equally thankful to Festus Boamah and Austin Ablo for their insightful comments and advice throughout the entire study.
To the Ministry of Fisheries and Aquaculture, I say thank you for providing me with the necessary data I needed. I am also grateful to Mr. George Assefuah for his assistance during the fieldwork. To the Fisheries Research Unit at Tema and the Albert Bosumtwi-Sam Fishing Harbour in Sekondi, I say thank you for your inputs. I am also grateful to the Sekondi Naval Base, particularly to Mr. Godson Agbavitor for his contributions. I am very grateful for the photos you provided including the photo used for the cover page of this thesis.
To all my informants at Shama, I am thankful for your time and patience during the fieldwork.
To the acting omanhene of Shama, the two chief fishermen, the chief fish trader, and all the fishermen and fish traders I interviewed, your inputs are much appreciated. Special thanks also go to Reverend Philip Quaicoe for his immense support. I am also grateful to Mrs. Jemima Ackon and Fidelia Ackon for their assistance.
iii ABSTRACT
The discovery of oil and gas in Ghana in 2007 and subsequent production since 2010 have sparked high development and economic expectations in various sectors of the Ghanaian economy. The oil exploration and production may create changes in the predominant livelihood systems either to the benefit or detriment of fisher folk living along the coast. Fisheries in Ghana are organised along gender lines where men fish and women process and sell fish. This study examines the livelihood impacts of oil and gas activities in Shama, a coastal town located 20 kilometres east of Takoradi where most oil and gas exploration and related activities take place. I focused on Shama because fisher folk are predominantly engaged in deep sea fishing where oil and gas installations have been built. The main objective is to examine the gender differentiated impacts of offshore oil and gas extraction on the livelihoods of men and women working in the fisheries, and to examine whether there are particular categories of men and women who are either gaining additional livelihoods or losing livelihoods as a result of the emergent oil and gas industry.
Theoretically, the study draws on the Sustainable Livelihood Framework (SLF) and gender theories including intersectionality to examine the livelihood impacts of the oil and gas industry on fisher folk in Shama. The concept of vulnerability in the Sustainable Livelihood Framework is used to shed light on the obstacles created by the oil and gas offshore operations and how fishermen and fish traders cope with or adapt to them. The gender theory was used to establish the differences in the level of impacts on the livelihood categories of men and women and to show fisher folk who were either gaining or losing out. The study uses the qualitative research methodology to investigate the various issues. Specifically, I employed interviews and observation, and analysed the data through category interpretation and thematic analysis to reveal the gender differentiated impacts of the activities of the oil and gas industry.
The study’s sample consisted of 42 informants (28 men and 14 women). It was identified that, there were different views about the impacts of the oil and gas industry on fishing livelihoods.
From the perspectives of fisher folk, it is posing great harm to their livelihoods. For instance, the oil and gas operations are leading to the loss of access to fishing grounds. From the perspectives of the Ministry of Fisheries and Aquaculture Development and oil and gas companies, fisher folk exaggerate the effect the oil and gas has on their fishing livelihoods. These institutions claim that
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the oil and gas activities have insignificant effects on fishermen and fish traders’ livelihoods.
Based on the claims from the different interest groups, it can be concluded that, the oil and gas industry has both positive and negative impacts on the livelihoods of men and women working in the fisheries. Fisher folk are benefiting from oil companies’ Corporate Social Responsibilities (CSR) projects. They are however losing an important natural asset (fishing grounds) to the oil and gas industry.
The study also finds that fishermen, whose working space is offshore, are directly affected by the oil and gas industry. The impacts of the oil and gas exploration however vary among fishermen due to factors such as the types of fish caught, the type of fishing gear used as well as social position. Fish traders whose fish trading activities are complementary to that of fishing are also affected by offshore oil and gas activities. The impacts of the oil and gas on fish trader’s livelihoods also vary as a result of their social positions and access to fish supply. It can therefore be concluded that although gender plays a vital role in the differential impacts of oil and gas activities on fishermen and fish traders, other factors (fishes caught, fishing gears used, social position and access to fish supply) also influence differences in the level of the impacts.
v TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION ... i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ... ii
ABSTRACT ... iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS ... v
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY………1
1.1 Introduction ... 1
1.2 Problem statement ... 3
1.3 Study Area ... 5
1.3.1 The Anlo Beach ... 8
1.4 Research questions ... 9
1.5 Organization of chapters ... 10
CHAPTER TWO: THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES AND CONCEPTS ... 11
2.0 Introduction ... 11
2.1 Gender theories ... 11
2.1.1 Gender as difference: Fishing and fish trade as gender differentiated activity ... 11
2.1.2 Gender as a social relation: Fishermen and fish trader’s relations ... 13
2.1.3 Gender as social construction: Masculinity in fishing and femininity in the fish market ... 15
2.2 Intersectionality ... 16
2.3 The Sustainable Livelihood Approach ... 18
2.3.1 Definition of the SLA ... 19
2.3.2 The sustainable livelihood framework ... 20
2.3.3 Livelihood Assets ... 21
2.3.4 The vulnerability context ... 25
2.3.5 Application of the theory to the study ... 27
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CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY ... 29
3.0 Introduction ... 29
3.1 Methodology in Social Research ... 29
3.2 Methodological approach used... 30
3.3 Pre-fieldwork arrangements ... 31
3.4 Role and status during field work ... 33
3.5 Insider-outsider perspectives ... 34
3.6 The sampling process ... 35
3.6.1 Semi-structured interviews ... 38
3.6.2 Group interviews ... 40
3.6.3 Participant observation ... 42
3.7 Analyses and interpretation of data ... 44
3.8 Ethical Issues in Research ... 45
3.8.1 Validity and Reliability of Data ... 46
CHAPTER FOUR: FISHING AND FISH TRADE: MAKING A LIVELIHOOD IN SHAMA ... ..48
4.0 Introduction ... 48
4.1 Fishing in Shama ... 48
4.1.1 Landing beaches ... 48
4.1.2 Types of canoe and gears used ... 49
4.1.3 Management structure of a canoe and the sharing of proceeds ... 52
4.1.4 Seasonality of fish and coping strategies ... 55
4.1.5 Sources of capital ... 59
4.1.6 Institutions and organizations in Shama ... 61
4.1.7 Fisheries related problems in Shama ... 63
4.2 Fish trade in Shama ... 68
4.2.1 Fish supply and handling ... 68
4.2.2 Transporting and marketing of fish products ... 70
4.2.3 Sources of capital, savings and loans ... 73
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4.2.4 Institutions and organizations in the fish trade business ... 74
4.2.5 The gendering of fish production ... 76
4.2.6 Marketing issues in Shama ... 77
CHAPTER FIVE: THE OIL AND GAS INDUSTRY ... 79
5.0 Introduction ... 79
5.1 Effects of oil and gas on livelihoods ... 79
5.1.1 Opportunities in terms of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) projects ... 79
5.1.2 Employment opportunities ... 83
5.1.3 Negative impacts ... 84
5.2 The relationship between the oil and gas industry and the people of Shama... 89
CHAPTER SIX: DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS ... 91
6.0 Introduction ... 91
6.1 Gender differentiated impacts of the oil and gas industry ... 91
6.1.1 Effects on men’s livelihoods ... 91
6.1.2 Differences in the level of impact on fishermen ... 93
6.1.3 Effects on women’s livelihoods ... 94
6.2 Perceptions of fisher folk in Shama about the oil and gas industry ... 95
6.3 Vulnerability of fishermen and fish traders... 96
6.4 Coping mechanisms of fishermen and fish traders ... 97
CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION ... 99
7.0 Conclusions based on the findings ... 99
7.1 Conclusion ... 101
REFERENCES ... 102
APPENDIX 1: INTERVIEW GUIDE ... 114
APPENDIX 2: INTERVIEW GUIDE ... 116
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APPENDIX 3: INTERVIEW GUIDE ... 118
APPENDIX 4: INTERVIEW GUIDE ... 120
APPENDIX 5: INTERVIEW GUIDE ... 122
LIST OF TABLES Table 1: A framework for micro policy analysis of rural livelihoods………..24
Table 2: Local leaders interviewed using an interview guide... 36
Table 3: Government officials interviewed using an interview guide ... 37
Table 4: Fishermen and fish traders interviewed using an interview guide ... 37
Table 5: Educational level of fisher folk ... 40
Table 6: Coping and survival strategies when faced with financial difficulties among the sampled 17 fishermen*………...57
Table 7: Sources of capital among the sampled 17 fishermen*... 60
Table 8: Annual fish catch estimates (for all gears) for Shama (Apo and Bentsir) from 2000-2012 ... 64
LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Complementary but assymetric relationship between fishermen and fish traders. The thicker the arrow, the higher the degree of authority ... 15
Figure 2: The Sustainable Livelihood Framework adapted from Allison and Ellis, 2001 ... 28
Figure 3: Management structure of a canoe ... 54
LIST OF PLATES Note: All plates are taken by the author except indicated otherwise. Plate 1: Talking to fish traders from Shama in the Sekondi market ... 43
Plate 2: Helping a fish trader to smoke fish ... 43
Plate 3: A crew member teaching me how to mend a fishing net ... 44
Plate 4: Dolphin (left) and young dolphin and sword fish with sword cut off (right) at landing beach in Shama ... 56
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Plate 5: Fisher organisations in Shama ... 62
Plate 6: Landing site at Apo beach ... 66
Plate 7: A fish processing site in Shama ... 69
Plate 8: Shark fins ... 77
Plate 9: The Amenano Model School ... 80
Plate 10: Sample oven at Apo landing beach. ... 82
Plate 11: An improved ice box ... 83
Plate 12: A naval officer communicating with a canoe ... 85
LIST OF MAPS Map 1: Ghana's offshore oil fields ... 2
Map 2: Map of study area in Shama District Assembly of the Western Region, Ghana... 7
Map 3: Map showing market destinations of fish traders from Shama ... 72
ABBREVIATIONS
GDP: Gross Domestic Product GSS: Ghana Statistical Survey
SLA: Sustainable Livelihood Approach SLF: Sustainable Livelihood Framework CSR: Corporate Social Responsibility MOFA: Ministry of Food and Agriculture FAO: Food and Agriculture
FPSO: Floating Production Storage and Offloading ABS: Albert Bosumtwi-Sam Fishing Harbour
WCED: World Commission on Environment and Development
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CARE: Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere OXFAM: Oxford Committee for Famine and Relief
DFID: British Department for International Development UNDP: United Nations Development Programme
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY 1.1 Introduction
Fishing plays an important role in the socio-economic development of Ghana. The country has a marine coastline of 550 kilometres that stretches from Aflao in the east to Half Assini in the west (BoG, 2008). Fishing accounted for 4% of the Gross Domestic Product in 2009 and in 2013 it accounted for an estimated 1.4% of GDP (GSS, 2014). According to Atta-Mills et al. (2004: 13),
“the importance of fisheries for subsistence and economic development varies throughout West Africa. In Ghana, marine resources are an important source of food and economic activity”.
Fishing provides an important source of income especially for people living along the coasts.
The production of fish in Ghana comes from two main sources, marine and inland fisheries. 85%
of the total fish landings come from the marine catches. The marine fishery sector which can be put into three main groups includes industrial deep sea, inshore and artisanal or canoe fishing (Britwum, 2009). This study focuses on the artisanal (canoe) fleet, which consists of both motorized and non-motorized dugout canoes. According to Amador et al. (2006), the artisanal fleet consists of approximately 11,213 canoes and employs about 124,229 fishermen. Of the total marine fish catch annually, the artisanal fleet accounts for 70-80 % of all marine fish landings in the country (Mensah et al., 2006).
Fish goes through the production processing and distribution stages (Britwum, 2009). The artisanal fishery is organized along gender lines in Ghana. Men fish while women process and sell, and also serve as financers to fisher folk (Harper et al., 2013). Some of these roles of women including giving credit to canoe owners play a vital role in ensuring fish supplies (Hernæs, 1991:
134). For instance, studies conducted on both Elmina and Apam showed that from the 1960s to the 1970s, an increasing number of women fishers financed fishermen in equipment and fishing trips (Walker, 2001). After the introduction of outboard motors in the artisanal sector in the early 1960s, fish traders began to invest in outboard motors themselves or gave canoe owners credit to buy one (Overå, 1992, 1998). Consequently, the increase in the utilization of the outboard motors contributed to “an increase in labour productivity and considerably the level of production”
within the artisanal sector (ibid: 43). This increase in labour, coupled with erratic supply of
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premix fuel and depletion of marine stocks through pair trawling by highly sophisticated industrialized fishing vessels (Nunoo et al., 2013) has contributed to the reduction in fish catch.
In June 2007, the Ghana National Petroleum Company, together with Tullow Oil and Kosmos Energy announced a significant discovery of crude oil, one of the largest finds in West Africa in recent years (Ministry of Energy, 2010). Ghana’s oil and gas exploration and production is carried out offshore. The Jubilee Field (see map 1) is an oil field located 60 km off the coast between the Deep water Tano and West Cape Three Points blocks (Sakyi et al., 2012). This field was named the Jubilee Field because its discovery coincided with the 50 years Jubilee independence celebration of the country. Oil production began in December 2010 (Open oil, 2012) and first exports started in January 2011 (Tullow 2010; Nuwagira 2010; BBC News Africa, 2011). Oil and gas companies operating within the Jubilee fields are Tullow Oil, Anadarko Petroleum, Kosmos Energy, Ghana National Petroleum Corporation, and Sabre Oil and Gas (Obeng-Odoom, 2014). Tullow Oil is one of the major operators of the Jubilee field (Open oil, 2012).
Map 1: Ghana's offshore oil fields.
Source: http://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/artikel.php?ID=180464
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The discovery of oil and gas sparked high development and economic expectations (Darkwa, 2010). Following the offshore oil exploration and production of Ghana’s oil reserves, there have been public debates about the potential socio-economic and environmental impacts on towns and villages located along the coast in close proximity to the Jubilee Fields. According to Edjekumhene et al. (2010), the exploration and production of oil and gas may likely promote economic, social, environmental and cultural changes within the various fishing communities.
This change could be both positive and negative. There is limited research on the impacts of the oil and gas industry on men and women working in the fisheries since the production of oil is quite new. It is in order to help fill some of these gaps that this research was considered.
1.2 Problem statement
The Western Region of Ghana is where oil and gas is being explored. The region is particularly famous for being the most natural resources endowed area in the country. It is located along the coast where marine resources can be found. It produces one-third of the fishing harvest in the country, although it is 1 of 10 regions (Coastal Resources Centre, 2010). Since fishing and offshore oil industries are intertwined in a complex relationship around the world, activities of oil and gas exploration and production is likely to have an impact on the men and women working in the fisheries in Ghana too.
The oil and gas industry can impact positively on fishing communities in the Western Region of Ghana. It can provide jobs and revenue accrued from the oil and gas could be used to support and strengthen the economies of fishing communities (Egyir, 2012). For example, investment in improved infrastructure, water supply, sewerage and waste treatment, health care and education would bring about improved welfare in such fishing communities (E&P/UNEP, 1997).
According to a USAID report, some known Corporate Social Responsibilities (CSR) of oil companies in some fishing communities include the support for health initiatives that address preventable diseases by strengthening health systems as well as generating awareness and understanding of health issues (Kirkbride and Kenlay, 2012). For instance, Tullow Oil has contributed approximately US$40,000 to health checks run by the Ghana Health Service over the past year in underprivileged coastal areas in some fishing communities in the Western Region (ibid). It has also been reported to have spent US$8 million dollars on books and science equipment for Nsien Secondary School and medical screening in fishing communities in the
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Western Region (Panford, 2010). Oil and gas also comes with other supporting economic activities such as hotel and restaurant services, transport activities, road construction, telecommunication, and many more allied services (Boohene and Peprah, 2011). Some of these facilities may be accessible for use by fishermen and fish traders. The springing up of new hotels and restaurant services, for instance, can provide new fish markets and the construction of good roads provides easy access to market centres.
The oil and gas industry can however also impact negatively on fishing communities (Badgely, 2011). An example is the case of coastal communities in the Niger Delta in Nigeria who have
“suffered worst records of environmental pollution, violent deaths and chronic illnesses from regular pipeline and other explosions, oil rains, oil spills, oil fires, and water pollution” (des Clers, 2007: 31). Since the discovery and exploration of oil and gas in Ghana is quite new, the country is likely to suffer from potential risks and conflicts and consequential losses in the livelihoods of fishing families in coastal communities in the Western Region if it is not well managed.
Communities along the coast in the Western Region of Ghana depend on fishing and fish related activities for their livelihoods (Gary, 2009). With the discovery of oil and gas, ‘no go’ fishing zones have been created where fishermen have been prohibited from fishing (BBC News, 2010).
The bright lights associated with the oil rigs have also attracted most of the fish into the ‘no go’
zone leading to a reduction in the levels of fish caught (Badgley, 2011). Fisher folk in the Jomoro district in Ghana for instance complain about oil rigs and the Floating Production Storage and Offloading (FPSO) vessel using a very strong lightening system hence attracting fish into the non-fishing zones leaving the unrestricted fishing areas almost empty (Graphic Business, 2013). Again, increasing reports about the Ghanaian Navy confiscating boats for fishing in ‘no go’ zones have also been received (Gary, 2009). Fishermen have also complained about destruction of their nets by huge foreign oil vessels without receiving compensation (Kow, 2012). Furthermore, there have been several complains from fishermen about increased vessel traffic which could mean more accidents and increased noise which scares fish away from the area (Badgley, 2011). The above mentioned factors can threaten the livelihoods of fishermen and fish traders. They can, for instance, lead to loss of expensive fishing equipment and reduced
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levels of fish supply for the fishermen and fish traders since they receive either little or no compensation and have no insurance.
With all these concerns raised, the purpose of this research is to understand how fishermen and fish traders in Shama go about their daily livelihoods and how their livelihoods are impacted by offshore oil and gas activities. The study will particularly be of interest to policy makers, fisher folk, researchers, oil and gas companies, community and opinion leaders, NGOs in Ghana and all who are concerned with oil and gas and the fisheries.
1.3 Study Area
The Shama District Assembly is located in the Western Region of Ghana. It was one of the newly created districts in 2008 (carved out of the Shama Ahanta East Metropolitan Assembly). It is bordered to the west by the Sekondi Takoradi Metropolitan Area to the east by the Komenda- Edina-Eguafo-Abrem District, to the north by the Mpohor Wassa East District and to the south by the Gulf of Guinea (Shama District Assembly, 2014). The Shama Distirct Assembly has 48 communities and covers an area of 215 square kilometres (ibid.).
The current total population of the district stands at 81,966 (GSS, 2010). The number of men is 38,704 as compared to 43,262 women (ibid.). The Shama district constitutes about 3.4% the size of the Western Region’s population. At the current growth rate of 3.2% it is estimated that the population would be 90,089 by end of 2014 and 102,186 by 2017 (GSS, 2010). The phenomenal growth in population can be attributed to several factors including an increase in birth rates and a decrease in mortality rate over the period. This can also be partly due to the migration of people from the Sekondi-Takordi Metropolitan Assembly area towards the Shama district (Shama Distrcit Assembly, 2014). With the recent oil and gas development and increasing manufacturing activities, the cost of residential accommodation has doubled in the Sekondi-Takoradi metropolis hence people moving into the Shama District. The influx of people into the district has significant effects on land use and other infrastructural facilities. The 2010 census indicates that 21,273 (25%) persons living in the district are migrants (GSS, 2010). Of the total migrant population, 44% are migrants from the Sekondi Metropolis and other parts of the Western Region (ibid.).
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Shama, located 20 km east of Takoradi, is the capital of the Shama District Assembly. With a total population of 10,886 (ibid.), Shama is the third largest town in the district. Fante is the dominant ethnic group in Shama constituting about 80% of the population (Shama District Assembly, 2014). The Ahantas constitute 3% and a number of other smaller tribes constitute the remaining 7% of the population (ibid.).
There are two main settlement areas that characterize Shama (See map 2). Located on the west is Shama Bentsir (Bentsir) which has its housing extending to the shoreline. Shama Apo (Apo), on the other hand, is located towards the east of Bentsir. It has the largest settlement area. Housing in Apo terminates at the south-eastern side of the town, where it is bordered by the Pra River.
The territorial boundaries of Bentsir and Apo overlap slightly. However, while houses in Bentsir are interspersed with fish smoking ovens and processing facilities, most of the fish processing facilities in Apo are located towards the south-eastern edge of the community, separated from substantive housing units.
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Map 2: Map of study area in Shama District Assembly of the Western Region, Ghana.
Source: CERGIS, University of Ghana, 2014.
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Shama is a commercial centre. The main river is River Pra which enters the sea at Shama. The activities of small-scale gold miners (locally called galamsey) has led to the decolourization of the river leading to a reduction in the access to good quality or portable water for household, commercial and industrial consumption (Shama District Assembly, 2012). The economy of Shama however revolves around fishing (MOFA, 2013). Shama has a long history of fishing pre- dating the colonial era. The main gear used for harvesting fish is the Drift Gil Net (DGN) and fish species harvested include among others, sardinellas (herrings), tunas, marlins, sharks, sailfish, dolphins, burrito, barracuda, cassava fish, and lobsters. The major season for fishing is June to September while October to May has been identified as the lean season. Most women in Shama are involved in processing and distribution of fish. Smoking and salting are the main means of fish preservation. Other livelihood options are petty trading and vending undertaken by the small and micro businesses lined along the principal streets of the town. These streets are mostly tarred. There is however, an untarred road that links the landing beach at Apo. A market is located close to Apo (the area of population concentration).
Fishing migration is a common practice in Shama. This occurs at different levels and for various reasons. There is migration to other coastal areas in Ghana or coastal countries in the sub-region in response to availability of fish, the price of fish or the need to raise money to pay back accumulated debts or to invest (Odotei, 1992). Such migration could be short term (seasonal), long term or sometimes permanent (Odotei 1992, Overå, 2001). Some fish traders during the lean season also adopt the strategy of purchasing frozen fish from cold stores, which they later smoke for sale. These strategies are adopted in order to earn incomes to facilitate loan repayments and also cope with hardships associated with low fish catches. Farming is not practiced to any significant extent in Shama.
1.3.1 The Anlo Beach
Even though I make reference to the Anlo Beach, the main area of study is Shama. The Anlo Beach is under the paramountcy of the omanhene (paramount chief) of Shama but has its own chief who is a subordinate to the omanhene (Shama District Assembly, 2014). The Anlo Beach is located on the farthest south-east (see map 2). It is bounded on the south-west by the Pra river estuary. Backing the settlements are mangroves and wetlands associated with the Pra river delta which stretches from the north-eastern to the western side. In the south, the community is
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bordered by the sea (ibid.). The first migration to this town occurred about nearly a century ago (Field data, 2014). This movement was associated with migrants who originate from the Volta Region of Ghana. Over the years, they acquired permanent residency in the community and presently constitute the dominant ethnic group. Canoe or boat transport is by far the major means of transportation from Shama to Anlo Beach.
The economy of the Anlo Beach revolves around fishing. Beach seine is the predominant fishing method practices in this community. The main fishing season in this community occurs in August where lobsters are mainly harvested. And between September-November, silver fish are the target species. In addition to the mentioned species, the beach seine is used to harvest sardinellas (herrings). Farming is however practiced intensely during lean fishing seasons. The farming season falls within April-July which coincides with the lean fishing season in this area.
Major crops cultivated are cassava and maize.
1.4 Research questions
The livelihoods of fishermen in Shama centres on deep sea fishing which takes them closer to offshore oil and gas installations. As such, their fishing livelihoods may be affected by oil and gas operations. The study therefore seeks to find answers to these impacts and questions explored are as expatiated below.
The main research question is: What are the gender differentiated impacts of the emerging oil and gas industry on the livelihoods of men and women working in the fisheries in Shama?
The sub research questions are as follows:
1. What are the main livelihoods of men and women working in the fisheries?
2. What are the effects of oil and gas extraction on the livelihoods of a. Women working in the fisheries?
b. Men working in the fisheries?
3. Which categories of women and men working in the fisheries have gained or lost livelihoods as a result of the impact of the oil and gas industry?
10 1.5 Organization of chapters
This thesis is organized into seven chapters. Chapter one comprises of a general introduction to the research. It contains the problem statement and the research questions. It also provides information about the study area including the location of the area in Ghana, the demography, the social and economic activities of the people living in the area.
Chapter two explores the theoretical underpinnings and reviews literatures used in the study. It deals with the concepts used by the sustainable livelihood development framework. It also discusses issues concerning gender as used in the gender theories and intersectionality.
Chapter three presents the research methodology. It presents the techniques and strategies used for data production data. It also elaborates on the status and roles of the researcher as well as the insider outsider perspectives. Research ethics, validity and reliability of data and challenges and limitations are also discussed.
Chapter four expands on fishing and fish trade in Shama. It probes into the organization of fishing and fishing fish trade, challenges faced by fisher folk and how they attempt to overcome these challenges.
Chapter five focuses on oil and gas exploration and production including issues concerning Corporate Social Responsibility, and its effect on the fishing community.
Chapter six discusses the findings in light of the theories used.
Chapter seven concludes the study and provides a summary of the key findings and recommendations.
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CHAPTER TWO
THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES AND CONCEPTS 2.0 Introduction
This chapter discusses the theories and concepts used in this study. The gender theory will provide tools to analyse gender differences between fishermen and fish traders in terms of their fishing and fish trading activities taking into consideration factors including gender roles and social networks. Since the aim of this study is to examine fishermen and fish traders’ livelihoods and how they are affected by ramifications triggered by oil and gas production, the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework Approach (SLA) is used.
2.1 Gender theories
The term ‘gender’ has been defined in several ways by various scholars. FAO (1997, cited in FAO 2006: 13) defines gender as “the relations between men and women, both perceptual and material”. This definition is emphasized by McDowell (1999), who describes gender as the social constructions of the categories men and women. In his book ‘Gender and Sexuality:
Critical Theories, Critical Thinkers’, Beasely discusses contemporary meanings of gender in feminist and masculinity studies as “the social process of dividing up people and social practices along the lines of sexed identities” (2005: 11). This process, he says, creates hierarchies between the divisions leading to one or more of these ‘categories’ being privileged or undervalued (ibid).
Dixon and Jones III (2006: 42) draw out main three lines of gender research in feminist geography. These include gender as difference, as social relation and as social construction.
Although these three lines hold gender as the centre of analysis, they provide different analysis for the term (ibid.). Explanation of these three main lines of research is of importance to this study since it focuses on differences in fishermen and fish traders’ roles as well as the interplay of relations between them. This can help explain the differentiated impact of oil and gas extraction on the livelihoods of fishermen and fish traders in Shama.
2.1.1 Gender as difference: Fishing and fish trade as gender differentiated activity
The first main line of gender research in geography noted by Dixon and Jones III (2006: 42) is gender as difference, thus, “the spatial dimension of the difference between men and women across cultural, economic, political and environmental arenas”. This is an area of research that
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emphasizes the context of place hence changing research questions from “where does work take place?” to “who works where?” Changing the questions help to recognize and analyse the roles of women and men in an economy. McDowell (1997: 27) noted that ideologies about gender- appropriate behaviour, varies across space and time.
Gender roles of women and men are social constructions (FAO, 2004, cited in FAO, 2006). They are a set of social and behavioural norms that within a specific culture are widely considered to be socially appropriate for individuals of a specific sex. Gender-specific roles and responsibilities often condition household structure, access to resources, specific impacts of the global economy, and other locally relevant factors such as ecological conditions (FAO, 1997 cited in FAO, 2006).
Gender division of labour is a common phenomenon within the fisheries in Ghana (Odotei, 2003). Men in Ghana fish while women do the processing and the marketing of fish (Britwum, 2009; Overå, 1998). A fisherman, according to Afful and Osafo-Gyimah (1979, cited in Britwum, 2009) is usually either a capitalist fisherman (a canoe owner) or a working fisherman (crew member). Studies by Overå (1998) and Odotei (2003) however show that there are also women canoe owners in Ghana. A canoe owner is therefore a man or woman who owns major fishing equipment such as a canoe, outboard motor and fishing net, and hires labour. His or her role is to provide fishing equipment and premix fuel for fishing. Canoe owners do not always go to sea (and never women) (Overå, 1998). Working fishermen, or crew members going to sea, are men who own no fishing equipment. They however generate income from their labour in catching fresh fish (Britwum, 2009).
The roles of a fisherman include the mending of fishing nets, drying of fishing net, dragging and anchoring of canoes, maintaining outboard motors, carving wood for canoes, and the building and repair of canoes. In addition, men are the traditional breadwinners of their families, hence their duty to contribute school fees and money for cooking (Overå, 1998), medical bills amongst others. In situations where the man is unable to perform such tasks due factors such as financial constraints, they often rely on the financial assistance of women. For instance, wives of fishermen are expected to run the household during the lean season when their husbands migrate to other coastal towns.
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Women in fishing communities play multiple roles. Once the fresh fish has been landed on the beach, women take over the responsibility for processing and marketing. Thus, they dominate pre-and post-harvest activities such as finance, processing, and marketing of the catch (Harper et al., 2013). These roles are performed in addition to several roles such as the nurture and care of the family. Women are considered vital “for the continuity of the lineage and the community because they give birth” (Overå, 1998: 125). They are also expected as wives to cook good food for their husbands and children. The roles of a woman as a wife and mother and her occupational roles are therefore intertwined.
Some women process fish caught by their husbands. The processed fish is then sold for money.
This role is significant because it adds value to fresh fish, prolonging its durability after the bumper season and converting it into its monetary value (Britwum, 2009: 73). Women in fishing communities are therefore “considered as a main source of family wealth and eventually, male wealth in the coastal fishing communities in Ghana” (ibid). Fishermen husbands believe they have fulfilled their household responsibilities once they provide fresh fish for processing.
Women are expected to run the household on the profits from selling fresh and processed fish.
Fish traders sometimes engage in non-fishing activities (such as the running of a small shop, a
“chop bar”, or the selling of food on tables) to supplement money from their fish trading activities (Tetteh, 2007).
Also, women offer financial support for their fishermen husbands. As Odotei (1992) noted fish traders in Fante towns act as their husbands’ business partners in terms of sales of fish and their
‘banks’ (keeping of the money from the sale of fish). Some of the fish traders are also responsible for the provision of money for fuel purchases since they have the responsibility for turning fish into its monetary value (Britwum, 2009). They also provide contributions in the form of loans to fishermen to procure fishing equipment.
2.1.2 Gender as a social relation: Fishermen and fish trader’s relations
The second research line, gender as social relation, goes beyond the simple study of gender differences to a look at the social relations that link men and women in complex ways (Dixon and Jones III, 2006: 42). Gender as social relation can be viewed in two aspects. One angle of looking at gender as social relation is patriarchy which has been defined as a “spatially and historically specific social structure that works to dominate women and children” (ibid.). As
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such, social relations lead to patriarchal relations where women are always disadvantaged to men. In Ghanaian fishing communities, women’s access to fisheries resources, as Porter (2006) argues, are often limited by several factors such as traditional beliefs, cultural norms and laws.
For example, not only are women prohibited from fishing (by cultural taboos) but, the traditional inheritance system among the Fante (matrilineal inheritance) denies them access to their husband’s wealth (Britwum, 2009). In matrilineal societies, family descent is through female ancestors who provide the blood link that constitutes lineages (binds families together) (Overå, 1998). This can be a detrimental scenario considering a woman can be left without inheritance of her husband’s wealth.
According to Britwum (2009), fresh fish is an important resource that provides wealth to people living in fishing communities. The fact that women sell their husband’s share of fish does not automatically give them the right to control the income generated (ibid.). In addition, having the authority to refuse wives access to their share of fish strengthens fishermen husbands’ position in their marital/economic relationship (ibid.).
Another angle of looking at gender as social relation is in terms of complementarity. The production of fish by fishermen and its transfer to fish traders for processing and distribution describes what Overå (2003: 51) refers to as a “gendered exchange system, where men provide fish for women’s cooking pot, in which they transform fish into food - or money - with which children are provided for”. This is what Schultz (2005) terms as a classic case of cooperation or complementarity where the organization of production systems makes female and male economic activities inter-dependent. Fish traders with whom the fishermen deal in daily life are often their mothers, wives, aunts, grandmothers or daughters (Overå, 1992). Crew members recruited for fishing are also often family relations or good friends. In the case of Fante women canoe owners for example, due to the matrilineal system, captains of their canoes are often their sons (Overå, 1998). In marriage, the conjugal union is at the same time an economic relationship embedded within a system of cooperation and dependence (Britwum, 2009: 74). Tradition obliges fishermen husbands to pass on their fresh fish to their wives for processing. Husbands, in turn, give their wives a percentage of the income earned from the sale of fish for household maintenance. Wives are obliged to process fresh fish for their husbands and generate income to maintain the household and supplement husbands’ income for investment. The institutions of
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marriage and kinship therefore play important roles in the system of fishing and fish trade (Overå, 1998).
Overå (2003: 51) notes that, fishing (male domain) and fish trade (female domain) each have their parallel gendered hierarchies. The power balance between female and male hierarchies is, however, often asymmetric - male leaders (such as chief fishermen) usually exercising their authority in society as a whole and the authority of female leaders (such as chief fish traders) seldom extending beyond women’s domains (ibid.).
Figure 1: Complementary but asymmetric relationship between fishermen and fish traders.
The thicker the arrow, the higher the degree of authority.
Source: Author’s construct.
2.1.3 Gender as social construction: Masculinity in fishing and femininity in the fish market
The last line of research, gender as social construction, focuses on how discourses establish differences between people, aspects of meaning, experiences and landscape (Dixon and Jones III, 2006). Social construction seeks to study the various discursive categories used in defining the relationship between men and women. One of the main principles in this line of gender research is based on the principle that nothing is formed in ‘space’ but everything is socially constructed (ibid.). Accordingly, society’s conception of what women and men are and what they are supposed to be is produced by the society. Thus, being ‘male’ or ‘female’ is socially constructed.
Male hierarchy Authority the in fisheries Female hierarchy
- Chief fisherman - Canoe owner - Captain
- Crew members
- External recognition - Decision- making - Sanctions
- Chief Fish trader - Canoe owner - Captain’s wife
- Crew member’s wife
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In Ghana, there are various social constructions about the masculinity in fishing and femininity in the market (Overå, 2003). For instance, men are regarded as feminine if they engage in fish trade (especially in rural communities) (Overå, 2007). Fishing in Ghana is considered a male field (Overå, 1998). To be regarded as a man in a fishing community involves having knowledge of building or manoeuvring a canoe, catching fish at sea, mending nets as well as maintaining an outboard motor. An ideal ‘man’ in a fishing community is one who owns property (such as a canoe and fishing equipment), shelter, and can provide for his wife(s) and children.
A ‘woman’ in a fishing community is responsible for the processing of fish. Fresh or processed fish is sold at the market place. Also, a ‘woman’ is one who is able to offer financial assistance to her fisherman husband in times of need (Odotei, 1992). The femininity of a woman also involves reproduction for the continuity of a family’s lineage. She is also responsible as a wife for the cooking of food, care of her husband and family. Femaleness is therefore constructed around conjugal, reproductive and entrepreneurial skills (Britwum 2009: 79).
2.2 Intersectionality
McCall (2005: 1771) defines intersectionality as the “relationships among multiple dimensions and modalities of social relations and subject formations”. Nash (2008: 2) defines intersectionality as “the notion that subjectivity is constituted by mutually reinforcing vectors of race, gender, class, and sexuality”. The concept of intersectionality (in geography) is a result of black feminists’ challenge of the use of women and gender “as unitary and homogenous categories reflecting the common essence of all women” (Valentine, 2007: 12). It was introduced and later elaborated by the Black feminist legal scholar Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw, one of the founders of Critical Race Theory in the U.S. legal academy. Intersectionality surfaced in the late 1980s and early 1990s from critical race studies (a scholarly movement) which emphasized the law's blindness, neutrality, and objectivity (Nash, 2008). From its inception, intersectionality has had a long-standing interest in one particular intersection, thus, the intersection of race and gender. It therefore rejects the ‘single-axis framework’ of gender often embraced by both feminist and anti-racist scholars and instead according to Creshaw (1991: 1244), “… the various ways in which race and gender interact to shape the multiple dimensions of Black women's … experiences”.
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Intersectionality is a theory that concentrates on the shift from ‘woman’ focus to a focus on
‘multiple identities’. The intersectionality paradigm argues that, gender, race, class, sexuality, and nation are systems of oppression and privilege that interlock, overlap and mutually construct one another (McCall, 2005). Intersectionality therefore is the intersection of these different social categories of gender, race, class, ethnicity, sexuality among others (Valentine, 2007; Cope, 2002). The theory of intersectionality has been celebrated as the most important contribution that women’s studies have made so far (McCall 2005: 1771). Given that the theory of intersectionality aids scholars to explain exclusion, marginalization and inequality in a much broader perspective, it is employed in this study to examine how fishermen and fish traders manoeuvre their ways in the fishing business due to their different identities.
In relating the theory to this study, there are various groups of men and women working in the fisheries and these groups are structured based on factors such as class seen in terms of for example income level, type of livelihood and ownership of asset (Walker, 2001). A chief fisherman (apofohene), found at the apex of the fishermen hierarchy, is one who combines the identities of being a canoe owner, an experienced fisherman and a leader of a fishing community (Odotei, 1999). This provides them access to several opportunities (Overå, 1998). For instance, since the chief fisherman serves as a link between his fishing community, NGOs, oil and gas companies and government agencies, he is the first to be exposed to any new fishing technology being introduced by the government. The chief fisherman also has several accesses to fish resources and equipment. Canoe owners also receive a larger share of the catch than crew members. The difference between these two groups is that, crew members are identified as fishermen who work for canoe owners. Being the owner of the means of production (Vercruijsse, 1984, cited in Overå, 1992) positions a canoe owner second on the fishermen hierarchy (after the chief fisherman). Crew members who are labourers working for the owner of the means of production (ibid.) are found at the bottom of the hierarchy.
Access to fresh fish is based on the institution of marriage and family ties strengthened by entrepreneurial skills, hence producing the direct and indirect type of access (Britwum, 2009).
These types of access position women in a hierarchy. At the apex of this hierarchy is the konkohene, the chief fish trader who, together with the apofohene (chief fisherman), fix the price of fresh fish at the beach. A combination of her identities as an experienced and successful fish
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trader, often a canoe owner and a leader of the fish traders gives her a lot of power (Odotei, 1999). Due to her position, she has several accesses to fish including that from her husband, her canoe and sometimes fish from other canoes.
A fish trader who owns a canoe is also well respected and commands a lot of authority. She has crew members working for her. Being a canoe owner as well as a wife of a canoe owner gives a woman several sources of fish supply (Overå, 1998). She is entitled to her husband’s share of the fish catch and has access to fish from her own canoe. She is often a large scale fish trader who serves as a creditor to other male canoe owners. The wife of a crew member, on the other hand, has one main identity of a fish trader. Her only access to fish is therefore her husband’s portion of the fish catch. She can also buy fish.
The various identities or what Vercruijsse (1984, cited in Overå, 1992: 16) terms as “class society” within the canoe fisheries (chief fisherman, chief fish trader canoe owners and their wives, crew members and their wives) will result in differences in the impacts of the oil and gas industry on fishermen and fish traders’ livelihoods.
2.3 The Sustainable Livelihood Approach
Livelihood thinking dates back to the publication of the Brundlandt Commission Report by the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) in 1987. This report acknowledged the concept of basic needs of the poor thereby introducing concepts that were conceptualized later as sustainable livelihood development. Sustainable development as defined by the commission is “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. (It contains within it two key concepts:
the concept of 'needs', in particular the essential needs of the world's poor, to which overriding priority should be given; and the idea of limitations imposed by the state of technology and social organization on the environment's ability to meet present and future needs)” (WCED, 1987: 43).
It is crucial to say that from the very beginning of livelihood research in the early 1990s different variants of the Sustainable Livelihoods Approach have been introduced. Particular international organization (such as CARE, Oxfam, UNDP and DFID) highlighted distinct aspects of the approach and changed the focus and design according to their priorities. In-depth research on
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sustainable livelihoods as a concept was widely attributed to Robert Chambers (Chambers and Conway, 1992). According to Solesbury (2003: 5) Chambers and Conway presented sustainable livelihood as “a linking of the three extant concepts of capability, equity and sustainability.
These concepts constitute the basics for the Sustainable Livelihoods Approach (SLA).
Starting from 1998, the British Department for International Development (DFID) integrated the approach in its program for development cooperation (ibid.). The DFID approach is based on livelihood analysis, which includes institutional and political issues. Allison and Ellis (2001) use this approach to understand the strategies used by artisanal fisher folk to tackle fluctuating fisheries resources. Although references will be made to the DFID’s model, this study applies the model used by Allison and Ellis since it seeks to understand the complexities of fishing and fish trade as well as oil and gas impacts on such livelihoods in Shama.
2.3.1 Definition of the SLA
Most of the discussion on Sustainable Livelihood so far has focused on rural areas and situations where people make a living from some kind of primary self-managed production. The term livelihood has been defined in different ways by different authors. Chambers and Conway (1992:
7) define a livelihood as,
“A livelihood comprises of the capabilities, assets (stores, resources, claims and access) and activities required for a means of living: a livelihood is sustainable which can cope with and recover from stress and shocks, maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets, and provide sustainable livelihood opportunities for the next generation; and which contributes net benefits to other livelihoods at the local and global levels and in the short and long term”.
According to this definition, a livelihood must possess the element of sustainability and must be able to recover from stress or shocks. Scholars such as Arce (2003: 202, cited in de Haan and Zoomers, 2005: 30) argue that, sustainability was not the focus of Chambers and Conway’s work but rather security and income. Scoones (1998: 5) modified the initial definition by defining a sustainable livelihood as, “…comprising the capabilities, assets, (including both material and social resources) and activities required as a means of living. Thus, it is resilient in the face of external shocks and stresses, it is not dependent upon external support, and it is able to maintain
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the long-term productivity of natural resources and when it does not undermine the livelihood options of others”.
This study draws heavily on the definition by Ellis. According to Ellis (2000, cited in Allison and Ellis, 2001: 379) “a livelihood comprises of assets (which could be natural, physical, human, financial and social), the activities, access to these (mediated by institutions and relations) that together determine the living gained by the individual or household”. The Sustainable Livelihood Approach is a clear people-centred approach. Thus, people rather than the resources they use are the priority concern. It seeks to identify the most pressing constraints faced by people regardless of where these occur (i.e. which sector, geographical space) as well as to understand how to tackle the challenges these people are faced with. It also seeks to understand the different capabilities of people to cope in times of intense danger such as droughts, climatic and seasonal changes. In this study for instance, sustainable livelihoods means the ability of fishermen and fish traders to use their assets such as canoes and fishing equipment to maintain their productivity in the advent of any major disturbance (Conway, 1985, cited in Allison and Ellis, 2001).
Aims of the Sustainable Livelihood Framework Approach, according to Allison and Horemans (2006), includes assisting people in using poverty indicators determined by themselves to realize a long lasting livelihood improvement. It tries to close the gap between the macro and micro levels. Kollmair and Gamper (2002: 4) emphasize that, “as people are often affected from decisions at the macro policy level and vice-versa, this relation needs to be considered in order to achieve sustainable development”.
2.3.2 The Sustainable Livelihood Framework
The livelihoods approach is set up in the form of a framework that brings together the main factors that are thought to act in accordance with the livelihoods definition. The framework describes the assets owned, controlled, claimed, or in other ways accessed by the household (Swift 1989, cited in Allison and Ellis, 2001). It is crucial to mention that assets are not limited to cash, savings or other material means but include other non-material aspects such as “health, their labour, their knowledge and skills, their friends and family” (Rakodi, 2002: 10). The livelihoods assets are put into five main capitals. In the following, the core ideas represented in the SLF are explained and defined in the way that should be understood in this context.
21 2.3.3 Livelihood Assets
The livelihoods approach is concerned first and foremost with people. Therefore “an accurate and realistic understanding of people’s strengths (here called “assets” or “capital”) is crucial to analyse how they endeavour to convert their assets into positive livelihood outcomes” (Bezemer and Lerman, 2002 cited in Eneyew and Bekele, 2013: 1). People require a range of assets to achieve their self-defined goals. These assets or capital include the human capital, social capital, financial capital, natural capital and the physical capital.
Human capital - In the field of development studies, “human capital” is a very widely used term with various meanings. However, in the context of the SLF it is defined as follows: "Human capital represents the skills, knowledge, ability to labour and good health that together enable people to pursue different livelihood strategies and achieve their livelihood objectives" (DFID, 2000). Human capital includes the issues of labour market, education and health (Serrat, 2008).
According to Allison and Ellis (2001), this form of capital is one of the most important assets possessed by people living in rural communities. The value of human capital is boosted by investing in training and education and is also determined by one’s skills acquired through work experience. When a person is free of illness and other health challenges, he is more effective at work (Ellis, 2000). Other factors like death, birth and migration also affect human capital.
Oil and gas exploration often triggers exaggerated expectations especially from the local population in terms of employment opportunities. The oil and gas industry, according to (Basedau, 2005) employs mainly high-skilled workers. The only opportunity to be employed temporarily as an unskilled person can be during the construction phase (Waskow and Welch, 2005: 122). Fishermen and fish traders do not have such high requisite skills. The high job expectations may therefore likely not be met.
Financial capital - The financial resource used by people in achieving their livelihoods is represented by financial capital (DFID, 2000). Among the five categories of assets financial capital is probably the most versatile as it can easily be converted into other types of capital or it can be used for direct achievement of livelihood outcomes (e.g. purchasing of canoe for fishing or purchasing fish to process and sell). Financial capital could be in the form of savings, credit, wages, proceeds from work and living costs. The production of oil and gas in the Western Region will most likely lead to an influx of foreigners which can lead to a significant increase in
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the prices of goods and services. The local population will therefore be unable to pay for such goods and services that were previously payable (Waskow and Welch, 2005). In-migration will also lead to price inflation of goods and services (such as rent). If, in addition to inflation, environmental pollution or offshore production activities threaten the fish stocks resulting in a lack of yields from fishing, the local community would be confronted with serious economic problems.
Natural capital - According to Kollmair and Gamper (2012), natural capital is “the term used for the natural resource stocks from which resource flows and services (such as land, water, forests, air quality, erosion protection, biodiversity degree and rate of change) useful for livelihoods are derived”. It includes water (fishing grounds) and aquatic resources (Serrat, 2008) within fisheries. Natural capital is important for people (especially in rural areas) who derive all or parts of their livelihoods from natural resources. Within the Sustainable Livelihood Framework a particularly close relationship exists between natural capital and the vulnerability context and many of the devastating shocks for livelihoods are natural processes that destroy natural capital (e.g. fires, floods, drowning). The steps involved in oil production from its production stage serves as a potential threat to fishing and to the environment. “Oil rigs that are stationed in breeding grounds for fish or other ocean animals can disrupt breeding patterns and affect populations (Waskow and Welch, 2005: 105). In the event of oil spillages that can occur during the drilling, caused by pipeline leaks or the transfer-procedure of oil to tankers, the oil pollution could lead to the killing or harming of fish (ibid.). The bright lights associated with the oil rigs also attract most of the fish into ‘no go’ zones where fishermen are banned from fishing (Badgley, 2011). The consequences these potential risks will have on fishing and fish trading activities in Shama will be discussed later in this study.
Physical capital (‘produced’ or ‘economic’ capital) - Physical capital comprises the basic infrastructure and producer goods needed to support livelihoods, such as affordable premix fuel, fishing nets, canoes, smoking ovens, secure homes and buildings, adequate water supply and sanitation, clean, affordable energy (firewood for fish traders) and access to information. More houses such as hotels and guest houses spring up with the advent of an oil and gas discovery due to the influx of people (Boohene and Peprah, 2011). This could in turn affect the prices of goods
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and services particularly that of housing. According to Rud and Aragon (2013), the high demand for land and housing will lead to an increase in the prices of rents.
Social capital - There is much debate about what exactly is meant by the term “social capital”
and the aspects it comprises. The term Social capital is related to issues of social and community networks. According to Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992: 119 cited in Palloni et al., 2001), “Social capital is the sum of the resources, actual or virtual, that accrue to an individual or a group by virtue of possessing a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition”. Social capital emphasizes the importance of social interactions and structures to individuals and households. In the context of the SLA it is taken to mean the social resources upon which people draw in seeking for their livelihood outcomes, such as networks and connectedness, that increase people’s trust and ability to cooperate or membership in more formalized groups and their systems of rules, norms and sanctions. It also serves as security network when fisher folk experience ‘shocks’. Quite often access and amount of social capital is determined through birth, age, gender or kinship and may even differ within a household. Exploration of oil and gas in an area can result in in-migration or out-migration.
These can either strengthen or destroy existing social networks.
The Sustainable Livelihood Framework (SLF) has been represented in many different diagrams.
SLF as used by Allison and Ellis (2001) has six main components (see table 1). The framework begins with the assets (physical, human, financial, natural and social capital) (Allison and Ellis, 2001). Also, social relations, institutions and organizations obstruct or enable access to assets and activities. External factors (also referred to as the vulnerability context, which comprises trends and shocks that cannot be controlled by the household) also affects access to assets and activities. This is followed by the construction of livelihood strategies which comprises of a group of activities, some of which may be natural resource based and others non-natural resource based. Finally, this framework concludes with outcomes of livelihood strategies which are categorized into livelihood security effects and environmental sustainability effects (Allison and Ellis, 2001).
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Table 1: A framework for micro policy analysis of rural livelihoods (modified from Ellis, 2000, p. 30).
A B C D E F
Livelihood Platform Access modified by In context of Resulting in Composed of With effects on
Assets
Natural capital Physical capital Human capital Financial capital Social capital
Social relations Gender
Class Age Ethnicity Institutions Rules & customs Land and sea tenure
Markets in practice Organizations Associations NGOs Local admin State agencies
Trends Population Migration
Technological change Relative prices
Macro policy
National econ trends World econ trends
Shocks Storms
Recruitment failures Diseases
Civil war
Livelihood strategies
Non-NR based Rural trade Other services Rural manufacture Remittances Other transfers NR based activities Fishing
Cultivation (food) Cultivation(Non- food)
Livestock Non-farm NR
Livelihood security Income level Income stability Seasonality Degrees of risk
Env. Sustainability Soils and land quality
Water Fish stocks Forests Biodiversity
