Old Problems and a New Possibility for Dar es Salaam’s Water Supply
A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Science (International Environment Studies)
By Siri Merethe Fagerheim, August 2009
Department of International Environment and Development Studies (Noragric) Norwegian University of Life Sciences (UMB)
The Department of International Environment and Development Studies, Noragric, is the international gateway for the Norwegian University of Life Sciences (UMB), which consists of eight departments, associated research institutions and the Norwegian College of Veterinary Medicine in Oslo. Established in 1986, Noragric’s contribution to international development lies in the interface between research, education (Bachelor, Master and PhD programmes) and assignments.
The Noragric Master theses are the final theses submitted by students in order to fulfil the requirements under the Noragric Master programme “International Environmental Studies”,
“Development Studies” and other Master programmes.
The findings in this thesis do not necessarily reflect the views of Noragric. Extracts from this publication may only be reproduced after prior consultation with the author and on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation contact Noragric.
Title picture: Test well of Kimbiji aquifer (Photo: Siri Merethe Fagerheim)
© Siri Merethe Fagerheim, August 2009 [email protected]
Noragric
Department of International Environment and Development Studies P.0. Box 5003
N-1432 Ås Norway
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DECLARATION
I, Siri Merethe Fagerheim, declare that this thesis is the result of my research and sources of information other than my own have been acknowledged. This work has not been previously submitted to any other university than the Norwegian University of Life Sciences (UMB) for award of any type of academic degree.
Date: ______________________________
Signature: __________________________
Siri Merethe Fagerheim
To my family, near and far!
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank my supervisor, Professor Ian Bryceson for his invaluable assistance and unfailing hospitality in times of need. My local supervisor in Tanzania, Professor Pius Yanda was of great help in providing advice and overcoming many of the bureaucratic hurdles involved in fieldwork. Though not an official supervisor, Dr. Kassim Kulindwa was a source of inspiration, encouragement and information on water issues and fieldwork and for that I am truly grateful.
Professor Mark Mujwahuzi, my landlord and mentor, kindly offered me access to his impressive water library and graciously shared some of the insight he has built up through decades of work on water issues in Africa. The treasure trove of information I found was nothing less than extraordinary and I offer my sincere appreciation. The many interviews and visits to the offices of DAWASA and DAWASCO were invaluable to my research and I would especially like to thank Mr. Deo, Mr. Massawe and Mr. Fumbuka for their patience and dedication.
The libraries at UMB have been incredibly helpful, in particular two librarians offered help far beyond the expected; Ingeborg Brandtzæg, your enthusiasm inspired and your helpfulness saved me, Ingeborg Hvaale, your patience and understanding were truly wonderful. Marta Tekle, for your valuable statistical assistance and kind heart I am truly indebted. Muholeza Rosemary L. Baseka, thank you for your assistance as a translator, guide, oracle, and loving friend; without you, your encouraging smile, your understanding patience and comforting arms, the challenges during this fieldwork might have gotten the best of me.
Maya, Rita and Tendai, my crew from the beginning to the end, words cannot suffice. What about cake? To all my other friends in Ås and beyond, your encouragement and support were a breath of fresh air when I needed it the most and I will not forget! Mamma og pappa, tusen takk for at dokke alltid er der for meg og aldri miste trua på meg.
Finally, my informants: the mothers and children, fathers and grandparents, who took the time to help a smiling “mzungu" in her funny quest for “maji, maji, maji”, this thesis is because of you, may it contribute to a better future. God bless you and your beautiful country!
ABSTRACT
Dar es Salaam had long been struggling with the unreliable Ruvu River as its main source of water and a rapidly growing demand for water. The discovery of the Kimbiji aquifer, found at considerable depths under the city, created prospects of an improved water supply. This study was conducted to investigate possible societal impact of the groundwater on water users by establishing the current water situation for households and their ability to access the water as well as to analyse the robustness of the water management system. The water consumption levels were low and decreasing for piped households, an even lower, but increasing for unpiped households. The difficult water situation created a burden on health, time and finances and resulted in highly complex supply chains and the utilisation of diverse sources of water. The connection costs as well as lack of infrastructure created major obstacles for groundwater to reach households. The deep groundwater presented a unique opportunity for additional households to be served by a public water supply network and for more water to reach those already connected; however, issues of funding, expansion of infrastructure, customer behaviour and managerial challenges had to be addressed in order for people to have an equal and affordable access to water.
Key words: Dar es Salaam, urban water supply, robustness, groundwater, Kimbiji, aquifer.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION ...III ABSTRACT ... VI TABLE OF CONTENTS...VII LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES... IX LIST OF ACRONYMS ...X
PART I. TH E INT RO DUCTIO N ... 1
1. INT RO DUCTIO N ... 1
1.1 BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON DAR ES SALAAM AND ITS WATER SUPPLY...1
History of the water supply in Dar es Salaam ... 3
Current and potential future water supply...5
1.2 SELECTED CONCEPTS UTILISED IN THIS THESIS... 8
Resilience and panarchy...8
Robustness ...10
1.3. WATER RELATED ISSUES...13
Water and poverty...13
Water and Corruption ...16
Water and urban systems...17
Previous studies of the water supply in Dar es Salaam ...18
1.4 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY...23
1.5 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS...24
1.6 ORGANISATION OF THE THESIS...25
2. MET HO DS ... 26
2.1 DESCRIPTION OF THE STUDY AREA...26
Location and institutional structure ...26
Sinza ward and Sinza E sub-ward ...26
Manzese ward and Midizini sub-ward...27
Kigamboni ward and Ferry sub-ward ...28
2.2 DATA COLLECTION...28
Sampling of households ...29
Household surveys ...30
Key informant interviews...31
Field observations...32
Data collection methods ...32
Trustworthiness of data ...33
Limitations...34
Research Ethics...36
3. REFE RE NCE S ... 37
PART II. THE ART ICLE ... 46
I. INT RO DUCTIO N ... 47
DAR ES SALAAM’S WATER SUPPLY...47
History of the water supply in Dar es Salaam ...48
Current and potential future water sources ...49
II. ME TH O DS ... 52
III. RES UL TS ... 54
HOUSEHOLD SURVEY...54
Household characteristics...54
Water situation ...57
Collection time ...61
Water costs and income...62
Preferences for sources ...63
Water storage, vulnerability and satisfaction ...64
Response to change in source and perceptions of future water situation ...66
INSTITUTIONS...68
Obstacles for the water management system in providing water ...68
Institutional response to the groundwater discovery...71
IV. DIS CUS SIO N ... 74
INTRODUCING THE FRAMEWORK...74
WATER USERS...76
Link 1: Water resource and water users ...76
Link 6: Water users and water infrastructure...83
Link 2: Water users and water institutions ...84
WATER INSTITUTIONS...86
Link 3: Water institutions and infrastructure...86
Link 5: Water resource and water institutions...86
V. CO NCL US IO N ... 89
RE FERE NCES ... 91
APPE NDICIE S ... 95
APPENDIX 1...95
APPENDIX 2...96
APPENDIX 3...97
APPENDIX 4...98
APPENDIX 5...99
LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES
Figure 1: Map of the Ruvu River basin showing Dar es Salaam and Kimbiji ...2
Figure 2: Time series and trend line of annual flows (m3s-1) in the Ruvu River at Morogoro Road Bridge ...5
Figure 3: The adaptive cycle...9
Figure 4: Panarchies ...10
Figure 5: A conceptual model of a social-ecological system ...11
Figure 6: Strategic point of entry for reversing problems of weak finances and poor services22 Figure 7: Map of the Ruvu River basin showing Dar es Salaam and Kimbiji ...48
Figure 8: Wealth ranking of sub-wards...54
Figure 9: Highest completed education in household ...55
Figure 10: Number of water sources ...59
Figure 11: Distribution of water sources by sub-wards ...59
Figure 12: Frequency of water flow from pipes used (private, public or neighbour)...61
Figure 13: Time spent collecting water each day ...62
Figure 14: Perceived vulnerability and days with water back-up...65
Figure 15: Attitudes towards becoming connected to a public water supply...67
Figure 16: Conceptual framework of the Dar es Salaam water supply system ...74
Figure 17: Mean water consumption per capita in piped and unpiped households...76
Table 1: Current and future water supply...6
Table 2: Overview and explanation of linkages...12
Table 3: Current and future water supply and demand ...50
Table 4: Demographic data on household characteristics in the sub-wards...54
Table 5: Water borne diseases in the sub-wards...56
Table 6: Water consumption in household and per capita (litres per day)...57
Table 7: Regularity of drinking water treatment...58
Table 8: Sources of water ranked by their occurrence in households...59
Table 9: Actual expenses to obtain 20 litres of water (TZS/20 litres) ...62
Table 10: Reported prices of water per jerrycan (TZS/20 litres)...63
Table 11: Personal reasons behind source preference...64
Table 12: Water storage, shortage and back-up days...64
Table 13: Overview of the linkages in Dar es Salaam's water supply system...75
LIST OF ACRONYMS
AfDB African Development Bank
APR Annual Performance Report
DAWASA Dar es Salaam Water and Sewerage Authority DAWASCO Dar es Salaam Water and Sewerage Corporation DDCA Drilling and Dam Construction Agency
DOW Drawers of Water
DWSSP Dar es Salaam Water Supply and Sanitation Project EWURA Energy and Water Utilities Regulatory Authority
HBS Household Budget Survey
IDA International Development Association IFI International Finance Institutions
JICA Japan International Cooperation Agency NUWA National Urban Water Authority
SES Social-Ecological system
TAWASANET Tanzania Water and Sanitation Network UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Social and Cultural Organisation WSDMP Water Source Development Master Plan
WSUD Water Sensitive Urban Design
WWC World Water Council
PART I. THE INTRODUCTION
1. INTRODUCTION
Midway through the international decade for Action “Water for Life” the importance of water on the global agenda is gradually rising (UN General Assembly 2004; UNESCO 2009; WWC 2009). Access to safe water and sanitation is critically related to all eight Millennium Development Goals, for example through its effects on human health and women’s time (UNDP 2006). It is also an explicitly stated target that the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation should be halved by 2015 and the unsustainable exploitation of water resources should be halted. On a global scale, diarrhoea kills more people than tuberculosis or malaria and five times as many children die of diarrhoea as of AIDS (UNDP 2006). Water scarcity is a critical and growing problem not only related to physical shortage, but also to complex political issues (Hemson 2008).
Urbanisation rates are expected to decline worldwide; however, in Africa, the trend is currently reversed. In 2007, Africa was the least urbanised region in the world (38.7%), with East Africa being the least urbanised region (20.5%) in the continent (UN-HABITAT 2008).
By 2030, the majority of Africa’s population are expected to live in cities, such that unless serious and effective measures are taken, most people may soon be living in slums and informal settlements. Although intermediate towns will absorb most of the urban growth, both the number and average size of African cities with more than 500,000 inhabitants are likely to increase significantly (UN-HABITAT 2008) with important consequences for water demands.
Dar es Salaam had long been struggling with a highly unreliable river as its main water supply and the finding of a large and very deep aquifer under the city created hopes and expectations of much needed improvement in the city’s water supply.
1.1 Background information on Dar es Salaam and its water supply
Dar es Salaam is the largest city in Tanzania, situated on a low-lying coastal plain. The city’s main supply of water is the surface freshwater of the Ruvu River (see Figure 1), which flows some 65 km away from the city and needs to be pumped considerable distances. The climate
is tropical monsoonal with the driest month being September with 26 mm average rainfall compared to the wettest month of April with 263 mm (EIU 2007). According to the 2002 census, the population of the city was 2.5 million (NBS 2002), and it had increased by an annual average of 4.3% since the 1998 census (EIU 2007; Sawio 2008). Between 1980 and 2007 the population almost quadrupled from 836,000 to about 3 million and the city area expanded from a 14 km radius in 1980 to a 30 km radius in 2001 (UN-HABITAT 2008). This rapid population growth has resulted in a proliferation of unplanned areas, especially along the transport and service corridors (WaterAid-Tanzania 2003; EIU 2007). According to Sawio (2008), 70% live in informal settlements in Dar es Salaam, with the trend continuing as 65%
of new housing is being built in squatter areas (World Bank 2003). Public health conditions in Dar es Salaam deteriorated between 1991 and 1995 during which time water-borne and faecal related diseases, including diarrhoea and cholera, increased from 8 to 12% of total disease incidence: these incidences appear to be closely related to areas with poor water supply and sanitation, and where flooding also occurs (World Bank 2003).
Figure 1: Map of the Ruvu River basin showing Dar es Salaam and Kimbiji (Adapted from Ngoye and Machiwa 2004)
History of the water supply in Dar es Salaam
Tanzania has gone through three major approaches to water supply since colonial times: the pre-independence cost-sharing approach, the cost-free approach and then returning to the cost-sharing approach (Maganga et al. 2002). Systematic water revenue collection started in 1930 when the colonial government was developing the water supply (Mujwahuzi 1997).
Since the water supply schemes were supposed to be self-supporting, water users paid for the water (Mujwahuzi 1997; Maganga et al. 2002). The Department of Water Development was established in 1945, and later assumed responsibility for irrigation; hence the change to the Water Development and Irrigation Division (Maganga et al. 2002). Before independence in 1961, both rural and urban water supply received attention. However, the twenty years that followed were marked by a focus on rural water supply, while ignoring urban water supply (Mwaiselage, 2003; Sawio 2008). The Government assumed responsibility for rural water system costs in 1965 and eventually abolished all user charges in the rural areas (Mujwahuzi 1997). Urban consumers continued paying, but the Government ultimately stopped charging for water dispensed from public kiosks in cities and towns (Warner 1970 in Mujwahuzi 1997;
Maganga et al. 2002). In other words, water was provided free of charge by the Government to Dar es Salaam, with the exclusion of those connected to the public water supply (Greenhill and Wekyia 2004).
As a result of the lack of attention and low cost-recovery, the urban water supply deteriorated significantly (Mwaiselage 2003). The National Urban Water Authority (NUWA) was established in 1981 and commenced operations in 1984 with the intended task of operating all urban water systems in Tanzania (Mujwahuzi 1997). However, by 2007 it was still operating only in Dar es Salaam, Kibaha and Bagamoyo (DAWASA and DAWASCO 2007). The agency was then supposed to become financially self-supporting, but revenues were too low to even cover extraction and distribution costs. The tariffs needed to be raised, but the power to do so was vested in the Government. Due to the political difficulties associated with raising water tariffs the Government was unable to act, resulting in the accumulation of significant debt. When the Government finally raised tariffs in 1988, the NUWA was able to meet its costs, but debts mounted again as the prices of electricity and chemicals increased (Mujwahuzi 1997). In 1991, the National Water Policy was developed, which led to the removal of the subsidies for water utilities, marking the end of the free water era (Maganga et al. 2002). The semi-autonomous Dar es Salaam Water and Sewerage Authority (DAWASA) was created (Greenhill and Wekyia 2004), while the following year it was finally decided to
decentralise the power of setting and approving tariff charges to the water authority and the minister for water (Mujwahuzi 1997). This policy changed Tanzania’s approach to water system financing such that urban consumers were expected to pay the full costs of water while the rural dwellers had to pay a portion of the cost (Mujwahuzi 1997, p. 122):
“In the past government provided subsidies to water suppliers to enable them to meet their expenses. Therefore poor revenue collection performance did not affect the operations of water suppliers. However, now that water suppliers are financially autonomous, they can no longer rely on government subsidies to cover shortfalls.”
At the beginning of the millennium, the city’s water supply system had deteriorated significantly and only 98,000 households had a piped water connection (Greenhill and Wekyia 2004). A substantial amount (estimated at 60%) of water produced was lost through leakages, and an additional 13% was lost through unauthorised use, illegal taps and non- payers, leaving only 26% of the water to be billed (Greenhill and Wekyia 2004) and only 16%
was actually paid for (WaterAid 2008a). The water quality and reliability was poor and especially in low-income areas, water had to be purchased from vendors, kiosks or neighbours. The initial reform suggested was to reconstitute DAWASA to a concession, but due to lack of bidders, the plans were scaled back to an ‘operating lease contract’. DAWASA would keep ownership of its assets and be responsible for rehabilitation and expansion of the network, while the private company would handle the billing and tariff collection and routine operation and maintenance (DAWASA and DAWASCO 2007). The only bidder, CityWater, a joint venture of BiWater (UK), Gauff (Germany) and Superdoll (Tanzania) was awarded the contract in December 2002. The expected improvements and investments did not materialise;
risk was still carried by the public sector, costs increased, while the quality remained poor (Greenhill and Wekyia, 2004). On 13th May 2005, the Minister of Water announced the termination of CityWater’s lease contract (WaterAid 2008a) instigating a long series of legal cases, verdicts and appeals. The Dar es Salaam Water and Sewerage Cooperation (DAWASCO) was then created to take over from CityWater, but leaving the main features of the lease contract intact. The process of privatisation has been highly criticised as having been forced through by donor pressure and conditionality, for ignoring public opposition, and for marginalising the poor. Reports from ActionAid (Greenhill and Wekyia 2004), Sida (2006), World Development Movement (2006), and WaterAid (2008a) provide more information on the reasons behind the decision to privatise and causes for its failure.
Current and potential future water supply
From 1950 to 1990 there was sufficient flow in the Ruvu River at Morogoro Road Bridge to supply the total demand of Upper and Lower Ruvu intakes (DAWASA 2008b). As Figure 2 illustrates, the river flow had gradually decreased and after 1990 the supply was no longer able to meet the demand for water (Ngoye and Machiwa 2004; Yanda and Munishi 2007;
DAWASA 2008b).
Figure 2: Time series and trend line of annual flows (m3s-1) in the Ruvu River at Morogoro Road Bridge
(Source: Yanda and Munishi 2007)
The Ruvu River’s peak flows at Kidunda have reached a maximum of 400 m3s-1 with an average of about 50 m3s-1 (DAWASA 2008a). Hydrological analysis of the water levels in the Ruvu River from 1997 to 2006 showed that the unregulated river was not a reliable source of surface water for Dar es Salaam, according to the Water Source Development Master Plan (WSDMP) (DAWASA 2007). During that period, the river flow dropped below the critical level rendering it unable to meet demand, and this occurred with a return period of 1 in 3.95 years according to frequency analysis of the hydrological records (DAWASA 2007). The decline in water flow could have been caused by changes in land use, upstream abstraction or climate change (Yanda and Munishi 2007; DAWASA 2008b). The third and smallest water treatment plant, at Mtoni, received 6,000 and 1,400 m3day-1 during wet and dry season respectively, despite being designed for a maximum flow of 9,000 m3day-1 (DAWASA 2008b). Some of the many boreholes scattered around Dar es Salaam were connected to the
distribution network and supplied an average of 6,000 m3day-1 (DAWASA 2008b). Table 1 below shows the planned future capacity for the current sources as well as deep groundwater sources to be extracted from the Kimbiji and Mpera wellfields (for relative location see map A in Appendix 1). The demand for the city was 412,000 m3day-1 in 2007 and was projected to be 964,000 m3day-1 in 2032 (DAWASA 2008b).
Table 1: Current and future water supply (Adapted from DAWASA 2008b)
The deeper hydrogeological context of the Dar es Salaam region has only recently been thoroughly investigated (Ruden 2007). The search for oil in the 1970s and 1980s produced valuable data on the presence of water, but was not further examined (Riis 2007). As part of the project awarded to Norconsult in 2005 to assess future water sources for Dar es Salaam, alternative sources were explored, including groundwater resources (Ruden 2007). In 2006 and 2007 groundwater exploration was carried out, which included collation and interpretation of seismic profiles as well as well-logs from onshore and offshore oil exploration wells from the 1970s and 1980s and drilling and testing of three 600 m deep groundwater exploration wells (Ruden 2007). According to the Water Supply Improvement Plan (DAWASA 2008b), the Coastal Neogene system, which consisted of the Kimbiji and Bagamoyo/Machuisi aquifers, was considered to be the best aquifer. A seismic overview suggested that the Kimbiji aquifer thickness ranged from 900 m in the west to 2000 m offshore in the Indian Ocean, with an expected average saturated thickness of 1000 m (Ruden 2007). One of the wells was located at Mpiji in the Machuisi aquifer, while two wells were constructed at Kimbiji and Mpera in the Kimbiji aquifer area (DAWASA 2008b). The Mpiji well produced disappointing results of hard and saline water and only half of the expected
Water sources Existing treatment capacity (m3day-1)
Future design capacity (m3day-1)
Upper Ruvu 90,000 210,000
Lower Ruvu 180,000 360,000
Mtoni 6,000
Shallow boreholes 6,000
Kimbiji wellfield - 260,000
Mpera wellfield - 130,000
Total 282,000 960,000
safe yield, and therefore offered a local or standby resource which could be utilised or blended with Ruvu River should the need arise (DAWASA 2007; DAWASA 2008b).
Conversely, the Kimbiji aquifer gave exceptionally positive results (Ruden 2007;DAWASA 2007; DAWASA 2008b;). The wells would probably be able to supply twice the predicted yield; the water was of potable quality, met most of the national and international quality requirements (Ruden 2007) and required only disinfection as a standard precaution and storage for cooling (DAWASA 2007).
The Kimbiji aquifer system consisted of an upper unconfined unit containing water of high mineral content and a lower confined unit characterised by considerably lower mineral content and artesian head, based on water quality and piezometric observations (Ruden 2007).
Gradational transition between the two aquifers was suspected and the overall flow was driven by artesian pressure from recharge in the elevated western hinterland, which provided the piezometric energy necessary to maintain the saline-freshwater interface(s) deep down and far offshore (Ruden 2007).
The conservative estimate of the volume of the Kimbiji aquifer was about 1,000 km3 (DAWASA 2008b), while the conservative estimate of the recharge rate was 1.0 km3year-1 (from an original calculation of 2.5 km3year-1) (Ruden 2007). The exchange rate of the water was estimated at about 1,000 years, resulting in 10,000 complete turnovers since its formation, which may explain the low mineral content of the lower confined aquifer. In contrast, the upper confined aquifer had less energy to push water through the system and to press the saline interface down and out (Ruden 2007). A water particle was expected to spend 4,500 years covering the 45 km from Kisarawe to Kimbiji, however, the water was not considered as fossil; the long transit time was a consequence of the sheer dimensions of the aquifer. The Kimbiji aquifer appeared to be a very compact system filled to the brim, meaning it could not accommodate more water and the excess was lost through springs, seepage and through the bottom of the Indian Ocean (Ruden 2007). If water is extracted from the aquifer, this situation may change and recharge may increase. Ruden (2007) recommended that only the lower confined aquifer should used for large-scale abstraction and the upper unconfined aquifer should not be used for domestic purposes. Furthermore, cross flow could be detrimental, thus close monitoring during exploitation was necessary. He concluded that the Kimbiji aquifer was an indication of the possible existence of so far undiscovered groundwater resources and emphasised on the potential positive synergy effects from
increased cooperation between “oil-searchers” and “water-searchers”. He finally added that such a vast amount of “unexpected” water resources presented a unique opportunity for the water authorities to develop a sustainable resource management system (Ruden 2007). The Kimbiji aquifer was recommended for meeting the demands of the future as well as the currently un-served southern part of Dar es Salaam, while the Kidunda Dam was also endorsed given its apparent technological and institutional advantages (DAWASA 2007).
The potential benefits of introducing large quantities of groundwater into the city of Dar es Salaam were considerable. However, a thorough understanding of the situation at the time and its history was needed in order to be able to properly plan, prepare and manage such a significant project, and I chose a “resilience” approach with a focus on the water users. A
“robustness” framework was also utilised for a systems view of the Dar es Salaam water situation to ensure a more holistic understanding of both water users and relevant institutions.
1.2 Selected concepts utilised in this thesis Resilience and panarchy
Resilience emerged from a branch of ecology (Holling 1973), sharing facets with systems theory (Redman 2005) and is currently used to understand social-ecological systems (SESs) (Folke 2006). Definitions of SESs range from the complex as provided by Anderies et al.
(2004), to the simple as offered by the by the Stockholm Resilience Centre (2007): a linked system of people and nature. Resilience thought focuses on non-linearity, the role of rapid and slow changes, unpredictability and diversity as well as the recognition of multiple stable states (Berkes et al. 2003; Redman and Kinzig 2003; Folke 2006), which challenges the conventional assumptions of nature’s linearity and stable equilibriums that has contributed to unsuccessful resource management (Holling and Meffe 1996; Jasanoff et al. 1997; Finlayson and McCay 1998). The term resilience integrates the social and ecological systems and ignores the traditional but arbitrary and artificial demarcation between them (Berkes and Folke 2002). Resilience has been defined similarly by the Resilience Alliance (s.a. a) and Berkes et al. (2003) as the ability of a system to absorb disturbances, to change, and ultimately re-organise while retaining the same basic structure and ways of functioning, including adaptation and learning capabilities. Factors enhancing the resilience of a system are for example, rapid feedback, social and ecological memory, diversity of dynamic institutions and ability to learn from crisis (Folke et al. 1998). Central to the resilience concept
is the adaptive renewal cycle, first presented by Holling in 1986, and the more recent concept of panarchy (Gunderson and Holling 2002). The adaptive renewal cycle is a heuristic model of four phases of development; exploitation, conservation, release, and reorganisation illustrated in a horizontal figure eight (See Figure 3) (Holling and Gunderson 2002; Folke 2006).
Figure 3: The adaptive cycle
(Source: Resilience Alliance s.a. b). The graph is an illustration of the flow of events among the four ecosystem functions (r, K, Ω, and α), where the arrows reflect the speed of the flow;
closely spaced arrows indicates slow changes, while the long arrows indicate a fast change.
The exit from the cycle suggests the stage where potential is lost and a flip into a less organised system is likely, and it is depicted by the x on the left in the figure (Holling and Gunderson 2002)
The concept of panarchy (see Figure 4) has been used to address the cross-scale nature of adaptive cycles, which are hierarchically nested at multiple scales of time, space and social organisation (Holling et al. 1998; Resilience Alliance 2007). According to the Resilience Alliance (2007) an understanding of a system’s dynamics at any scale relies on the holistic comprehension of the interactions across scales. Therefore, the lessons learnt by ecosystem modellers – to “never include more than two orders of magnitude or the models will be smothered by detail” – should be violated, according to Holling et al. (1998, p. 355).
Figure 4: Panarchies
(Source: Holling et al. 2002). In order to emphasise the two connections critical for adaptive capability, “revolt” and “remember”, three levels of panarchy are illustrated. The revolt connection can cause a significant change at one level that cascades up to a new and slower level. The “remember” connection facilitates renewal by using lessons learnt from a larger and slower cycle (Holling et al. 2002).
Robustness
Robustness is a concept from engineering defined as “the maintenance of some desired system characteristics despite the fluctuations in the behaviour of its component parts or its environment” (Carlson and Doyle 2002, p. 2539). The framework offered by Anderies et al.
(2004) employs robustness to assess SESs from an institutional perspective, as appropriate institutions have typically been assumed to be in place causing the institutional contexts to have been largely ignored. Anderies et al. (2004) restricted their attention to those SESs where the cooperative aspect is key; thus people have intentionally invested in some type of structure, institutional or physical, to cope with disturbances, making the framework applicable to the Dar es Salaam water supply system. Their framework is innovative because it combines the resource, its users and governance system and infrastructure and views them
as a coupled system (see Figure 5) that serves as a heuristic device to assist in the identification of the relevant characteristics in the system without assuming that the elements are discrete compartments (Anderies et al. 2004). According to Rapoport (1985, p. 256):
“Models describe how things work, whereas theories explain phenomena. Conceptual frameworks do neither; rather they help to think about phenomena, to order material, revealing patterns – and pattern recognition typically leads to models and theories”.
Figure 5: A conceptual model of a social-ecological system (Source: Anderies et al. 2004)
From this model Anderies et al. (2004) produced a table explaining the various links and potential problems faced using the examples of a water source and a fishery (see Table 2).
Table 2: Overview and explanation of linkages (Source: Anderies et al. 2004)
Classical studies, such as Hardin’s “Tragedy of the Commons” (1968), presumed that private ownership would cause over harvesting or free riding, resulting in destruction of resource base. Anderies et al. (2004) argued that we must move beyond the simple uses, rationality and cooperation triangle, as several factors influence interactions in Links 1, 2 and 3 for example (see Table 2 above). Many analysts ignore the active contribution of resource users in the daily operation and maintenance of public infrastructure, and hence have no link between resource users and public infrastructure (Link 6). According to McKelvey’s (1976, 1979) chaos theorem, group choice becomes unpredictable and vulnerable to manipulation when a policy is multi-dimensional; therefore, Anderies et al. (2004) argued that operational and collective choice must be analysed together to assess robustness. Anderies et al. (2004, p. 10) state, “as long as there is a strong social embedding of public infrastructure providers within the community of resource users, control and monitoring networks may be strong, and the
system may persist for a long time”. The accountability and composition of the public infrastructure providers are, in other words, integral to its success; if there is no overlap between the providers and the resource users, there may be an incentive to engage in rent- seeking, for example by imposing high taxes but not investing in the infrastructure (Anderies et al. 2004). Additionally, the compliance and legitimacy of policies increase if the consumers perceive decisions to be fair and if the rules are established by a large number of the consumers (Anderies et al. 2004). A comprehensive understanding of the links is crucial as a misguided effort to help may destroy a robust system (see Wade 1995; Anderies et al. 2004).
A system’s robustness increases when institutions are dynamic and responsive to change, as well as with institutional diversity and experimentation with institutional configurations (Anderies et al. 2004). At the same time, caution is prudent when tampering with our environment as “what you don’t know is likely to be much more important than what you do know” (Ludwig 1995, p. 574). This is particularly the case when dealing with such an exceptional water source as the deep groundwater found in Dar es Salaam, coupled with the fact that water is a vital resource with far-reaching effects on society and was not readily available in the city.
1.3. Water related issues Water and poverty
The interlinkages between water and poverty are significant and extensive topics far beyond the scope of this paper. Some key issues, however, are particularly relevant for a discussion of the water situation in Dar es Salaam and will be briefly introduced.
Lack of water creates a considerable health burden, impedes agricultural development, keeps millions of children out of school and consumes valuable time. The financial costs associated with the lack of water are enormous; for Sub-Saharan Africa the losses were about 5% of GDP, which exceeded total aid flows and debt relief to the region, with poor people sustaining most of these losses (UNDP 2006). Water-related diseases have killed more people than all post-World War II conflicts (Hemson 2008) and unless action is taken, 135 million people (overwhelmingly children in the developing world) will die from preventable water-related diseases by 2020 (Gleick 2002). Although water is vital, it is not explicitly stated as a human right, though the right to the highest attainable standard of health has been enshrined in
multiple international conventions and declarations (see WHO 2003) and this right cannot be met without access to sufficient and safe water. The Convention of the Rights of the Child, ratified by Tanzania in 1991, specifies that state parties are required to take measures to combat disease including the provision of clean drinking water (UN General Assembly 1989) and other international conventions continue to make this specification (see WHO 2003). A rights-based approach to development, or specifically water, empowers people to achieve those rights (WHO 2003). Despite the fact that investments in the water and sanitation sector are highly efficient with every US$1 spent creating another US$ 8 in increased productivity and averted costs (UNDP 2006), the ambitious water initiatives and reforms of the past 40 years have only been half-heartedly implemented and high media profiles of water provision does not translate into the national budgets of developing countries (Hemson 2008). More and more countries are individually recognising the right to water (WaterAid et al. s.a.), while the work to introduce water as a human right continues to bring water out of its political shadow and may eventually ensure that the supply of water to a nation’s people becomes the legal duty of its Government (UNDP 2006).
Even though the right to water does not equal the right to free water, it does introduce the issue of pricing, as it must be affordable for all. Several studies have found that the poor pay the highest price for water (Kulindwa 2005; UNDP 2006; Kulindwa and Lein 2008), which could be explained by the fact that richer households have easier access to piped water supply both in terms of development of neighbourhoods and ability to pay initial connection cost. In Tanzania, piped water cost on average US$ 0.1 per litre compared to US$ 0.6 per litre when purchased from water vendors (Thompson et al. 2002). It is clear that “inadequate and unequal access to water is (…) both a result and a cause of poverty” (Kulindwa and Lein 2008, p. 3). Recently there has been an increased pressure for privatisation of water supply from international finance institutions (IFIs) (Hemson 2008), fuelled by viewing water as an economic good, an increasingly demand-driven approach to water supply instead of public- health-driven, (Maganga et al. 2002; Kulindwa and Lein 2008) and also by an attempt to increase efficiency and investment in water supply infrastructure (WaterAid-Tanzania 2003;
O’Callaghan 2008). Privatisation was also attempted in Dar es Salaam, and has been called a scandal, as it not only failed, but also left the city in disarray (O’Callaghan 2008). The importance of politics in the matter of water supply has not received sufficient attention as it has been overshadowed by a focus on physical water shortage (see Wright 2009). However, water scarcity is a much more widespread phenomenon than precipitation records would
suggest. Africa, a continent struggling to secure enough water for its people, has more water physically available per capita than Europe (Kulindwa and Lein 2008). According to Kulindwa and Lein (2008), the (mis-)management of resources and consumption patterns are crucial factors in addition to resource availability in the creation of water scarcity.
In our understanding of the water situations in the world and their development, measurement and statistics are central. Unfortunately, there is a systematic underreporting of the scale of the water deficit (UNDP 2006) and “all evaluation of progress in water provision is bedevilled by shaky statistics” (Hemson 2008, p. 17). A common presentation of the water situation internationally is to divide the population into those with access to an improved and unimproved source. The distinction between an “improved” and ”unimproved” water source is deeply misleading; it does not guarantee that the water is clean (it includes boreholes and a protected spring, for example), while the physical presence of an “improved” source does not equal access as informal settlements are not counted, and infrastructural decay and unreliability are unaccounted for in statistics (UNDP 2006). In Nairobi over 90% of the population have access to “improved” water and sanitation, while the real situation on the ground makes this hard to believe as about a third of the city’s population live in slums with private vendors as their secondary water source (UNDP 2006). The situation in Dar es Salaam also reflects this disconnect between modes of measurement and reality. Additionally the use of multiple sources is common and “patterns of water use are far more complex than the static picture presented in global reporting systems” (UNDP 2006, p. 81) and precise figures of people’s water sources are rare.
The WHO and UNICEF consider 20 litres of water available within 1000 meters of the user’s dwelling as “reasonable access” (WHO 2005; Anand 2007), which seems to be more realistic than truly reasonable. International guidelines on the minimum requirements of water are central for the evaluations of the water situation, but are unfortunately lacking and the definitions used vary considerably (WHO 2005). The generally accepted minimum requirement for hydration and food purposes is between 5 and 8 litres (WHO 2005). UNDP (2006) considers the minimum water requirement to be between 20 and 50 litres, while Howard and Bartram (2003) considers 50 litres an intermediate supply that keeps health concerns low, however optimal access meeting all needs and keeping health risks low is between 100 and 200 litres (all figures are litres per day per capita). Europeans use more than 200 litres per day, while in the USA the average consumption is over 400 litres (UNDP 2006).
Water and Corruption
The process of supplying water in developing countries is highly challenging for several reasons, one being corruption, the most persistent problem facing the public service institutions in developing countries, including in Dar es Salaam (Wright 2008; Kihaule 2008), yet it remains the least confronted (Davis 2004). Although corruption is rising on the research agenda, the focus is largely on policy reforms, while efforts necessary on an institutional level receives insufficient attention (Davis 2004). The Global Corruption Report 2008 by Transparency International (TI) provides a comprehensive examination of the links between corruption and the water sector and the following paragraph is a summary of the relevant key findings.
An examination of the drinking water and sanitation services revealed that corruption can be found along the entire water delivery chain: from the design of policies down through to the connection and billing activities. The study estimated that the cost of connecting a household to a water network was increased by 30% due to corruption. The need for large-scale investment in expansion of supply sources and networks is growing globally as well as in Dar es Salaam, as the climate changes, populations grow and pollution levels increase. Such large- scale investments are exposed to corruption due to their lucrative and complex nature, making them hard to standardise. Moreover, irrigation systems offer multiple entry points for corruption, with groundwater sources being particularly hard to regulate (Transparency International 2008). Examples from India, Yemen and Mexico show that groundwater has been extracted with impunity, leaving smallholders without their essential water resource (UNDP 2006), and care must be taken to ensure this does not occur with the Kimbiji aquifer in Dar es Salaam. Additionally, water governance is largely viewed as a technical issue where social and political factors influencing water distribution and infrastructure are often ignored.
Water is particularly vulnerable to corruption since it defies legislative boundaries, thereby diffusing responsibilities, creating loopholes and coordination challenges. The problem is likely to grow, as water becomes more scarce and private investments in water increases in countries with a high risk of corruption (Transparency International 2008). Aid also contributes to the large influx of money, and larger expensive projects are more profitable to corrupt officials, which was the suspected reason behind the perceived preference for a large expensive dam over a cheaper groundwater source in Dar es Salaam (Wright 2008).
The report acknowledged the importance of informal water vendors in water supply to the poor and pointed to the legal grey zone in which they operate, leaving both the vendors and the poor susceptible to bribery and extortion. Sadly, the ones most affected by corruption in the water sector are also those with the weakest voices, namely the poor, the future generations and the natural environment. Lessons learnt on how to fight corruption include ensuring the fight is not at odds with the poor, exemplified by the dilemma of restricting the informal services thereby eliminating a crucial lifeline, as indicated by Kjellén (2006). While acknowledging that both policy and institutions deserve focus, Davis (2004) argues that large- scale policy reforms are very slow and the emphasis on policy reforms does not produce advice useful to public service reform at the organisational level.
Water and urban systems
Literature utilising resilience to analyse water systems abound, however most tend to have an ecological focus (e.g. Jansen et al. 2007), and investigations of the social aspect of urban water supply systems using the concepts of social-ecological resilience and robustness are rare. Even though resilience has been applied within water resources planning and management, the applications can be termed “engineering resilience” defined as the “return time to a steady state following a perturbation” (Blackmore and Plant 2008, p. 228), and is similarly defined within ecology (Pimm 1991). This definition focuses on stability near an equilibrium state, resistance to disturbance, maintaining efficiency and constancy and it also assumes predictability (Holling 1996; Folke 2006; Blackmore and Plant 2008). The concept therefore has limited use and is not able to address the complex and dynamic nature of urban water systems.
The management and utilisation of freshwater resources may destroy or build resilience, depending on how the system reorganises in response to changes. The interactions between social and resource systems often determine the system’s adaptive capacity (Schlüter and Pahl-Wostl 2007). Nonetheless, our understanding of the roles of those interactions and mechanisms of resilience-building remains limited (Anderies et al. 2004; Schlüter and Pahl- Wostl 2007). There is therefore a need for an improved understanding of interactions between humans and the physical system since a change in the human domain can be more severe than a failure of control in the technical domain (Blackmore and Plant 2008). Current water models are inaccurate (Simonovic and Rajasekram 2004) and a system-based assessment of
urban water systems offers a more precise approach (Winz 2005), but yet it ignores the institutional aspect. Within urban resilience thinking, resilience is measured in terms of how well a city can simultaneously balance ecosystem and human functions (CSIRO 2007), which is heavily dependent on the institutions in place. According to Berkes et al. (2001, p. 27)
“organisations and institutions can ‘learn’ as individuals do, and hence adaptive management is based on social and institutional learning”.
Australia is currently experiencing a crisis in water supply, especially in urban areas, due to their historic reliance on surface water coupled with recent droughts, climate change and rapid urban population growth, resulting in considerable restrictions on water use (PMSEIC 2007).
Safety is “an emergent rather than a resultant property of a system” (Blackmore and Plant 2008, p. 230) and therefore the Prime Minister’s Science Engineering and Innovation Council (PMSEIC) Working Group rightly puts emphasis on the importance of planning and managing for uncertainty and no longer attempting to balance predictable long-term supply (PMSEIC 2007; Blackmore and Plant 2008). A few of the group’s recommendations are to develop a diversified portfolio of water sources, rebuilding community trust, driving innovation, and strengthening incentives for adopting water sensitive urban design (WSUD) (PMSEIC 2007). An important condition for a water sensitive city is to ensure resilience to socio-technological changes, population growth and climate change, so that disturbances create opportunities and not collapse. Wong and Brown (2008) present three key factors for creating a water sensitive city. The first is for the city to be a catchment with a diversity of water sources and infrastructure, including a secondary supply for non-potable water.
Secondly, the city should provide ecosystem services and finally the city must comprise water sensitive communities. According to Wong and Brown (2008, p. 7), “the socio-institutional dimension of WSUD, while instrumental to effective policy development and technology diffusion efforts, still remains a largely underdeveloped area of research”.
Previous studies of the water supply in Dar es Salaam
Water supply in Dar es Salaam has been the subject of a multitude of studies and a selection of these will be presented below.
Mwandosya and Meena (1998) briefly reviewed some earlier studies on the water supply in Dar es Salaam from the late 1980s and early 1990s including the study on the Urban Sector
Engineering Project (USEP) – Infrastructure Rehabilitation implemented by the Office of the Prime Minister, the report on Rehabilitation of Dar es Salaam Water Supply System funded by the African Development Bank (AfDB) and studies by NUWA and Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). Central findings revolved around the poor state of the water infrastructure and the lack of secondary and tertiary distribution networks, the limited capacity of the Ruvu River in the dry season, ineffective billing, inadequate maintenance, leakages and illegal connections. The JICA (1991) study found that the revenue collected was only 70% of total potential revenue; the tariffs were too low and did not meet operational and maintenance costs, 35% of water produced was lost in leakages while 29% was lost through illegal connections.
The poor quality of the shallow groundwater in the city was pointed out by Gondwe et al.
(1997) who wrote on the impact of septic tank-soakpit systems widely used in the Sinza ward of Dar es Salaam. The study on a shallow aquifer under Sinza found that the groundwater had the same quality as the septic-tank effluents. The heavily contaminated groundwater showed that the septic tank-soakpit systems failed to treat the wastewater satisfactorily (Gondwe et al.
1997).
The following year the Centre for Energy, Environment, Science and Technology (CEEST) published a report based on the study of water use in the urban environment of Dar es Salaam.
The study was divided into household, industry, commercial and informal water demand (Mwandosya and Meena 1998). The objectives of the study were to identify water demand patterns from an end-use perspective and the role of technology in the water demand management and the influence of factors such as water quality and price. It also aimed to examine pricing, bottlenecks, operations and potential improvements, and finally to review policies and their agents, which could form the basis for a systems analysis model of the city’s water supply system. The study team consisted of an economist, a statistician, a water engineer and a study-coordinator from CEEST in addition to fifteen students and three technicians from NUWA who worked as enumerators. The household sample was according to the 1:3:9 ratio of high, medium and low income areas in Tanzania, 13 survey areas were selected and 990 households were interviewed during two weeks in 1995. The results indicated that rain water, water vendors and neighbours were sources mentioned by about half the households in addition to private water connections (32.8%), shallow wells (30.1%), surface water (17.1%) and public taps (8.1%). Chronic water problems were suffered by 88%
of the households and about 10 buckets (each about 18 litres) were needed in each household.
Connected households wanted water meters, but only 12% of those connected had meters, while 84% of the connected households received bills (Mwandosya and Meena 1998). Policy recommendations given were: to encourage efficient water use through pricing mechanisms, to give incentives for water conservation and penalties for wasteful use. Investment to improve quality and quantity of service was also cited and recycling options were emphasised (Mwandosya and Meena 1998).
An economic performance evaluation of the urban water supply in Dar es Salaam focusing on the equity and efficiency aspects was conducted (Reweta and Sampath 2000). It revealed that water was unequally distributed between districts, wards and between branches1, with Temeke district receiving less water than the population size called for, however the most pronounced inequalities were found within branches. Reweta and Sampath (2000) noted the need to overhaul the system to overcome inequalities and that the low supply caused a situation where only the individuals in high-income groups received whatever water was available, while the low-income individuals had to acquire water elsewhere, often of lower quality. In the study, the calculated daily water supply from the water authority was on average less than one litre per capita, suggesting that the city’s inhabitants relied completely on other sources of water supply (Reweta and Sampath 2000).
A longitudinal study was conducted on the domestic water use and environmental health in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. It was based on the public health classic “Drawers of Water:
Domestic water use in East Africa” (DOW I) by White et al. (1972), which was the first thorough study of water use from a consumer’s point of view in a developing country.
According to Thompson and Cairncross (2002, p. 61), it “has done more to improve water supplies for the poor than any standard engineering or social science textbook”. About three decades later a follow-up study was carried out, Drawers of Water II (DOW II), replicating the sites and methodology of the original work, resulting in a series of country studies and a summary (Thompson et al. 2002). The Tanzanian country study reported changes in domestic water use, sanitation, health and hygiene in ten rural and urban sites based on over 1000 sample households, two phases of intensive surveys and participatory research. Four of the
1 DAWASA was administratively divided into five branches; Kinondoni, Kawe and Magomeni branch in Kinondoni district, Ilala branch and Temeke branch, with each branch covering several wards (Reweta and Sampath 2000).
eight urban sites were in Dar es Salaam (Chang’ombe, Temeke, Oyster Bay and Upanga).
One of the more sober findings was that water use in urban piped households was 80.2 litres in DOW II, a 40% decrease from 141.8 litres in DOW I (Mujwahuzi 2002). Meanwhile, the mean per capita water use had increased by 27% from 13.5 litres in DOW I to 18.6 litres in DOW II in urban unpiped sites. The cost of water was about US$ 1.00 m-3 in all piped sites, which in constant terms revealed no change over the last 30 years, however variation was considerable between and within sites.
Mwaiselage’s (2003) PhD thesis titled Organised Chaos – Water and Sanitation systems in Housing Areas in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania focused on both water supply and sanitation using Mikocheni, a housing area in Dar es Salaam, as case study. The residents were predominantly from middle and lower middle income households and the author noted that although many researchers focus on low-income areas, similar problems on infrastructure and service were suffered by all income levels, and the case can offer strategic proposals from residents able to participate as investors and not only passive recipients. Mwaiselage (2003) used systems thinking and analysis to understand the problem, collect information, and to discuss the results of the study. The study found that there was potential for local resources in terms of initiative and willingness to pay, however there was a lack of guidance, integration and efficient use of resources, which created an obstacle for future urban ecology and sustainable urban development in Tanzania.
Kjellén (2006) investigated the informal privatisation of water supply, necessitated by the lack of household connections. Though the debate over public or private water provision continues on the international agenda, “in the real world poor households are already operating in highly commercialised private water markets – markets that deliver (often poor quality) waters at exceptionally high prices” (UNDP 2006, p. 83). Kjellén’s focus was on the point where water changes hands and on the largest user group households, thereby excluding public institutions, industries and businesses. She also excluded sanitation from her study and did not attempt to cover the whole water system. She employed both quantitative and qualitative methods: her main quantitative enquiry being with 50 water vendors in 1998 and 1999 in ten wards, including Manzese. In her discussion of the privatisation process, she presented a figure (see Figure 6) illustrating how a new operator may overcome the
“stagnation cycle” of African water and sanitation supply systems previously presented by Cross and Morel (2005).
Figure 6: Strategic point of entry for reversing problems of weak finances and poor services
(Source: Kjellén 2006). Kjellén based the graph on the 'stagnation cycle' of African water supply and sanitation utilities presented by Cross and Morel (2005).
Kjellén argued that the informal water supply was both a blessing and a curse to the Dar es Salaam water supply systems as it constituted the lifeline of water supply, but also undermined and diverted resources away from piped water provision (2006).
Several consultancy reports have been produced with regard to the city’s water supply and the recent additions were mostly related to the Dar es Salaam Water Supply and Sanitation Project (DWSSP) funded by the IDA, AfDB and the European Investment Bank. It involved a study to project the future water source options for Dar es Salaam, evaluation of the current water sources and recommendation of a water source development master plan, one of several project documents produced. During the water source option review, 26 different sources of water were investigated, including basin transfer from Rufiji River, dams on Ruvu River and its tributaries, desalinisation and deep groundwater in the coastal aquifers (DAWASA 2007).
The alternatives were compared based on cost effectiveness, environmental profiles and short- term and long-term water demand. According to the water source development master plan, the construction of deep wells into the Kimbiji aquifer was recommended in addition to breach repairs, upgrades, loss reduction and demand management, and water shed management in the Uluguru Mountains (DAWASA 2007). The construction of the Kidunda Dam was considered a “fallback option if recommended options fail to perform” (DAWASA 2007, p. 2 in chapter 1), however their investigation changed the dam’s priority to a “possible
medium-term option” due to improved planning basis as well as relocation and downsizing of reservoir. Their final recommendations for the future water source for the city included the Kimbiji aquifer as well as a low dam on the Ruvu River and watershed management actions in the Uluguru mountains. Risks mentioned focused on the technical and contractual challenges of drilling and the potential lack of available funds, while negative environmental and social impacts could be avoided both at Kimbiji and Kidunda through tailoring the projects to recommendations from comprehensive EIA processes (DAWASA 2007).
The responsibility for three districts of Dar es Salaam had been allocated to three different NGOs: WaterAid in Temeke, Care International in Kinondoni and Plan International in Ilala.
They each produced reports on their achievements and projects. ActionAid had been active in the privatisation debate and written critical articles on that issue. Popular media articles had also been written on the highly debated privatisation (Water Justice 2007), and succeeding lawsuits (Rice 2008), the sensational discovery of the groundwater (Egede-Nissen 2006), some critical to the delays in the production process (Wright 2008), and the corruption accusations against Norconsult, a company which had been central to the studies on the water supply (Gyldenskog and Ravn 2007 and subsequent reporting throughout May, June and July).
The recent studies on the water supply in Dar es Salaam with regarding the newly discovered groundwater were mainly consultancy reports with a technical, financial and hydrologic focus. In addition, the privatisation and discovery of the groundwater attracted the media, producing a number of newspaper articles revealing disturbing accusations. Although previous research had taken a more consumer oriented approach, a resilience approach had not been utilised and research into the progress of the groundwater finding as well as the views and expectations of the public was lacking. This deep groundwater provided great hopes, but the potential consequences for the urban residents had not been documented.
1.4 Statement of the problem and significance of the study
In an attempt to address the knowledge gap documenting the potential consequences of the groundwater for the residents of Dar es Salaam and the water supply system, the situation on a household level and institutional level will be presented and discussed. The robustness framework is utilised in this thesis as it enables us to achieve a holistic view of the water
situation and the various interlinkages between the actors. To understand the water supply situation of residents in three different areas of Dar es Salaam as well as the development of the groundwater, a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods were employed. In real life water and sanitation are inextricably linked, however the need to focus the study has necessarily meant that I have had to omit certain issues such as sanitation and “post-supply”
factors, despite their importance and relevance.
This study attempts to contribute towards knowledge concerning baseline conditions on the water supply in Dar es Salaam and its analysis may contribute to the understanding of various ongoing changes and trends. According to Kulindwa (2005), research into the consequences of water shortages and price surges is needed, while the UNDP (2006) points to a lack of figures on the number and types of water sources used, as well as insufficient knowledge of the complex water reality urban residents in the developing world must cope with. This study may contribute towards a better understanding of the water situation especially by adding a more social aspect to a volume of research focused on technical and political aspects by exploring the current situation in households and the obstacles that stand in the way of water, particularly the newly discovered groundwater, reaching the people of Dar es Salaam.
1.5 Research objectives and research questions
Research objective 1: Analyse the social resilience of local communities in three localities in Dar es Salaam in relation to water supply
Research questions:
1. How are people’s lives affected by supply of water in ‘richer’ and ‘poorer’ areas?
2. How might the potential new supply of the groundwater influence people’s lives?
3. What are the likely future scenarios for the water users?
Research objective 2: Analyse the robustness of the water management system and its response to the groundwater discovery
Research questions:
1. How has the water management system responded to the groundwater discovery?
2. What are the obstacles for the water management system in relation to supplying water, and in particular groundwater, to the people?
1.6 Organisation of the thesis
The introduction presents the current water situation in Dar es Salaam, introduces a selection of the theoretical concepts utilised in the thesis and reviews some of the existing literature on the city’s water supply. In the subsequent section, the study area will be described along with the research methods used, which concludes the first part of this thesis. The second and remaining part of this thesis is an article that can be read independently, creating some unavoidable repetition as it necessarily includes a short introduction of its own. Thereafter, the results are presented and discussed prior to a brief conclusion.
