«Jeg mener at NAV er viktig for unge folk med psykiske problemer fordi for noen av dem så kan det være den eneste mulighet»

(1)

«Jeg mener at NAV er viktig for unge folk med psykiske problemer fordi for noen av dem så

kan det være den eneste mulighet»

A qualitative study about young people with psychological health problems in contact with NAV

Master thesis at the Institute of Psychology

UNIVERSITY OF OSLO

October 2016

(2)

(3)

«Jeg mener at NAV er viktig for unge mennesker med psykiske problemer fordi for noen av dem så kan det være den eneste mulighet»

A qualitative study about young people with psychological health problems in

contact with NAV

(4)

Copyright Viktoriia Vlasenko

2016

«Jeg mener at NAV er viktig for unge folk med psykiske problemer fordi for mange av dem så kan det være den eneste mulighet»: A qualitative study about young people with

psychological health problems in contact with NAV

Viktoriia Vlasenko

http://www.duo.uio.no

(5)

(6)

Abstract

Author: Viktoriia Vlasenko

Title:«Jeg mener at NAV er viktig for unge folk med psykiske problemer fordi for mange av dem så kan det være den eneste mulighet»: A qualitative study about young people with psychological health problems in contact with NAV

Supervisor: Anne Jansen

Co-supervisor: Tor Helge Tjelta

This master thesis is about young people with psychological health problems in contact with NAV. Many young people who are in contact with NAV represent a vulnerable group of young adults going through the turbulent phase of self-establishment and self- identification.Many of them experience problems in relation to psychological ill-health.

This study has a qualitative design with the use of semi-structured interviews and semi- structured focus group interview. The empirical basis of this study is based on interviews with nine young men recruited from a voluntary organization assisting people with psychological health challenges located in Oslo.

The overall purpose of this study was to explore how do young people with psychological health challenges perceive their contact with NAV, and which role NAV plays in their lives.

This study can be of relevance for young people themselves and those who work with them.

The analysis of the interview materials shows that participant´s backgrounds are characterized by psychological ill-health challenges, interrupted schooling, unemployment, which results in a complex life situation and dependency on the welfare system.

This study concludes with the importance of understanding the complexity of young people´s lives and health situations prior and during their contact with NAV in order to help them in the process of life establishment.

Key words: young adults, psychological health, narrative identity, social identity, self- establishment, identification, welfare system, NAV

(7)

(8)

Acknowledgements

Thank you,

my family for your kind loving hearts,

participants of this master study for your willingness and openness,

my supervisors Anne and Tor Helge for your professional guidance and motivation,

my ex-classmate Laura and Elisabeth for the language assistance of the manuscript and time, OXLO Mentorprogramme for the opportunities and outcomes,

Institute of Psychology and University of Oslo for academically rich and fun student years.

Viktoriia Vlasenko

Oslo,

October 2016

(9)

(10)

Introduction

In this section I present how and why I chose my master thesis topic; research questions; and short overview of the manuscript.

Choosing the master thesis topic

This thesis is written as a part of my master studies in psychology and my participation in the OXLO Mentorprogramme. OXLO Mentorprogramme is a mentorship programme for master students with intercultural background, which is organised by the Byrådsavdeling for Kultur og Næring in Oslo municipality. Through this programme master students are assigned a mentor in one of the Oslo municipality districts. Mentor´s professional skills and experience is relevant to the topic of the student´s master thesis, student´s academic background and professional interests. My mentor throughout this programme was Tor Helge Tjelta. He is a project manager at the Utviklingsenter for psykisk helse– og rusarbeid in the Bydel Gamle Oslo city district. He is also the co–supervisor for this master project along with the main supervisor Anne Jansen. My participation in OXLO Mentorprogramme contributed to the choice of topic for this master project.

Shortly after being assigned a mentor in Bydel Gamle Oslo, I took the opportunity to be present during the staff meetings with the psychological health team. After a few months, I started working as a psychological health worker in this team and worked there during June 2015- April 2016. As a psychological health worker I have followed up approximately 10-15 clients with low to moderate levels of psychological illness and different health-related challenges. Along with these psychological health issues, my clients (in many cases) experienced economic, social and behavioural challenges. I provided not only individual psychological support for my clients, but also practical support alongside different municipal services, such as NAV (The Norwegian Labour and Welfare Administration). I noticed that NAV played an important role in my client´s lives and that many had been in contact with NAV for many years. The topic of NAV was discussed often within our whole team.

At the same time, I noticed that young people were often the subject of public debate and discussion within Norwegian media. The first time I came across this phenomenon was through the short documentary series «Oljebarna», broadcasted through VGTV. Participants in this series presented aspects of their lives as young people in Norway. This included perceptions about their work-life, social relations and psychological health. I read many articles about young people through the online Norwegian newspapers, which regularly highlighted «the life of the Norwegian youth». In addition, I

(13)

started to explore what was written within the professional literature on this topic. Much of the research and public discourse within the media appeared to concentrate on the problematic issues of young people in Norway, especially those in contact with NAV.

Therefore, combining my professional experience within the psychological health team, and my observations of public discussions in the media, I decided to explore the topic of young people in contact with NAV more closely as part of my master’s thesis. I hope that this master study will be of relevance to young people themselves and those who work with them.

Young adults– a vulnerable group

The term «young adults» often refers to people within the age group 18-30 years, who are establishing themselves as adults within society. However, the age frame may vary from one literature source to another. Within the literature the terms «youth» and «young people» are also used to describe «young adults». Therefore, within this thesis I will use these terms interchangeably.

Authors of the book «Ung voksen og utenfor» aim to describe the life of young people as a marginalized group, and further to highlight how young people navigate through the Norwegian welfare system(Hammer & Hyggen, 2013a). Authors present the idea that some institutions in Norway categorize young people as economically week and vulnerable. For example, some Norwegian banks propose a credit offer specifically designed for young adults based on their current economic needs. Another example may be taken from the Norwegian public transport system, where tickets for young adults cost less than for adults. Interestingly, these examples show that such offers and discounts suppose that young adults, like children, retirees and people with disabilities, have poorer financial situation, unlike average adults out of these groups. Hammer and Hyggen (2013) say that:

[…] man antar […] at personer i denne alderen har bestemte kulturelle preferanser for tematikk og formidlingsform som er annerledes enn for barn, ungdom eller voksne. Samtidig er man søkende og mottakelig for impulser og påvirkning med hensyn til verdier og livssyn – man er i ferd med å finne seg selv, sin identitet og bestemme retning på det videre livsløpet (p. 14).

Indeed, when we think about young adults we may often associate them as someone who is in a challenging life situation and in need for advice. Whilst our associations may be culturally promoted, we cannot deny that this age phase in people´s lives is accompanied with certain developmental challenges and identity crises. As so, in this study we will focus on the term «young adult» as a life phase, and not just a limited age distinction.

(14)

«Young adult» denotes the life period in between childhood and late adulthood. This phase is an important time of psychological, social and economic self-establishment. American research uses the term «emerging adulthood» to describe people who feel themselves as neither children nor adults (Arnett, 2000). They are established as adults, have a certain economical independency, but usually are without commitments relevant to later adulthood (such as, family responsibilities or a mortgage).

They have a certain freedom which opens for the opportunities to explore romantic relationships, work, self-identity and worldviews; unlike people in other age groups. In modern society, young people move out from their family-homes earlier, use more time for education and postpone cohabitation and childbirth, in comparison to previous generations (Buchmann & Kriesi, 2011). This gives young people today more freedom and choices, what some scientists refer to as cultural liberation (Ziehe & Staubenrauch, 1983). However, the responsibility that comes with such freedoms, may be difficult to bare. Hammer and Hyggen (2013) note further:

Med økt individuelt ansvar følger økt individuell risiko. Å mislykkes på en arena tilskrives gjerne individet heller enn viktige samfunnsinstitusjoner eller strukturelle forhold. […] Et livsløp preget av det som framstår som individuelle valg, kan innebære at mange ikke føler tilhørighet til solidaritet med kollektive interesser. Det har vært hevdet at vi, i motsetning til et samfunn preget av felleskap og solidaritet, går mot et polarisert samfunn der gapet mellom de som står utenfor og de som er innenfor, blir stadig større (p. 18).

Thus, this «outside» position from the community or society may have negative consequences for life of the individual, including hers or his quality of life, and possibilities for self-realization.

Undeniably, this may also result in poorer psychological and physical health, such as addiction problems and/or lack of self-affiliation. On a larger scale, this may also have societal consequences and costs that result in the need to support these young people who are placed outside of their community, both economically and socially.

Poor psychological health among youth can be one of the explanations as to why some young people drop out of the education-system, struggle with employment and thus, end up in difficult economic positions. The difficult work/economic situation they find themselves in can then exacerbate the challenges they already experience in relation to their poor psychological health.

Indeed, some studies show that psychological health illnesses are the most common reasons as to why young people in Norway are given a status of being disabled (in Norwegian: «ufør»), which usually remains unchanged for a long period of time (Hammer & Hyggen, 2013).

Further research shows that since the 1970s there has been an increase in the number of «ufør»

statuses and the need for individual economical support in Norway (Hammer & Hyggen, 2013). This

(15)

example, six out of ten people under the age of 40 years are given «ufør» status due to their psychological illness (Hammer & Hyggen, 2013). Research also shows that unemployed people, those with low education levels or lack of family support have poor psychological health (Hammer

& Hyggen, 2013). This situation is especially significant among young people (Hammer & Hyggen, 2013). In particular, those receiving social economical help from the Norwegian welfare system, report four times more prevalent psychological health problems than other population groups (Hammer & Hyggen, 2013).

Young adults and NAV

Adulthood can be a difficult phase in life. This is a period of self-establishment, during which young people consider many choices with regard to their future life as adults. This may be challenging, especially for those who struggle to finish school, and thus experience difficulties in starting a work life. As result, they may access the welfare system for (economic) support and advice. This role is usually taken by NAV. Hammer and Hyggen (2013) say that:

[…] det kan godt være slik at tilbudet fra NAV fungerer som en institusjonalisert mellomstasjon mellom utdanning og arbeid for enkelte grupper i Norge. Det er ikke gitt at dette apparatet er godt nok tilpasset unge og unge voksne som står i fare for å havne, eller har havnet, utenfor. For mange unge voksne handler det heller ikke om å føres tilbake i arbeid.

Det handler snarere om å føres inn i et arbeidsliv de ennå ikke har funnet seg til rette i (p. 23).

Young people may wish to access NAV in order to receive professional help and assistance in a turbulent period of their lives. Some contact NAV with the intention of receiving short-term assistance or advice, such as temporary economic support, assistance finding a place to live or help finding a job. However, research shows that many young people end-up receiving assistance from NAV over a long period of time without, for example, actually entering into a proper work life (Hammer & Hyggen, 2013).

Hammer and Hyggen (2013) define the responsibilities NAV has in relation to young people as following:

[…] NAV har ansvar knyttet til levekår, sosial og økonomisk trygghet, og inkludering i samfunnet. NAV skal generelt jobbe forebyggende overfor spesielt utsatte personer og grupper. NAV er derfor pålagt en viktig rolle i arbeidet med å følge opp unge som står i fare for å bli marginalisert. […] Manglende arbeid, dårlig økonomi, helsesvikt og nedsatt arbeidsevne er faktorer som kan bidra til at unge havner utenfor. […] NAV har et ansvar for unge på alle disse områdene (p. 199).

(16)

Both in Norway and outside the country, researchers have taken the attention to the life situations of the young people, who are in the transition phase from education to work. In the rapport «Jobs for youths», published by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Norwegian youth are presented to be more disposed to receiving health related (social/economic) benefits when being out of school and education, in comparison to their peers from other OECD countries(OECD, 2010). Indeed, some studies not that approximately 15 to 20 percent of children and youth in Norway have reduced functioning (I believe that authors here mean reduced functioning with regard to work, studies, social relations etc. which compound normal everyday activities) as a result of psychological ill-health problems (Hammer & Hyggen, 2013).

Rapport published by OECD (2010) also suggests that youth may be prone in receiving social (state) benefits because of to the structural contexts of the Norwegian welfare system and its policies and practices with regard to advising and supporting young people in the country. Thus, exploring such contexts may be beneficial both for the welfare system; society at large and people seeking help from the welfare system. One of the possible ways of doing so may be by giving people a chance to elaborate on their experiences with the welfare system and the way (they consider) it should be adjusted to their needs.

Research questions

This study is about young adults with psychological health challenges and who have experience with NAV. I want to explore the meaning of NAV in young people´s lives, the challenges they may experience being in contact with NAV, and the impact their meetings with NAV may have on their lives and identities. More specifically, I aim to answer two main research questions:

1) How do young people with psychological health challenges perceive their contact with NAV?

2) Which role NAV plays in young people´s lives with psychological health challenges?

Thesis overview

This master thesis consists of the following chapters: Introduction chapter, where I present the background to the choice of the theme and research questions, and schematic presentation of the thesis; The second and third chapter consists of the presentation of the relevant empirical knowledge situation and theoretical background of this study; The fourth chapter is an outline of the design of the study and methodological considerations undertaken prior to and during the fieldwork, including ethical considerations; I present the data and results within the fifth chapter; Study findings

(17)

findings of the study and make reflections about the master thesis, and make suggestions for future research.

(18)

Empirical knowledge situation

Psychological health challenges are one of the most prevalent public health issues of our time (Mykletun, Knudsen, & Mathiesen, 2009). Psychological health challenges are largely widespread among young- and adult populations, and may have negative consequences on many aspects of their lives, such as social relations, schooling and work life(Mykletun et al., 2009). Among young adults, psychological health illnesses are the most significant reason for impaired social functioning(Patel, Flisher, Hetrick, & McGorry, 2007), dropping out of the educational system and challenges in work life. I will now present some of the national and international empirical research on this topic.

Vulnerable youth– the NEETs

Participating in education and employment is important for individual´s well-being(O’Dea et al., 2014). Low-educational levels can result in limited participation in work life, which in turn can result in individuals becoming more socially excluded(Wanberg, 2012); having poorer quality of life(Mustard et al., 2013); decreased access to healthcare, increased levels of psychological distress, and increased risk of substance abuse (Bynner & Parsons, 2002). Long-term unemployment results in significant economic cost not just to the individual, but also to society as a whole, as it places extra burdens on the welfare and healthcare systems (Coles, Godfrey, Keung, Parrot, & Bradshaw, 2010).

Inactivity in adolescence and early adulthood can have negative effect on the skills development and initiation of social roles, and the individual´s quality of life in general. Young people who are inactive in relation to studies and work life are often referred to with the phrase «Not in Employment, Education or Training», commonly known as NEET or NEET youth (OECD, 2016).

Currently, the majority of annual statistics on NEETs are conducted by the Organization of Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). OECD provides annual comparisons of NEET rates among general youth population in different countries around the world.

Young people in education include those studying part-time or full-time, but exclude those in non- formal education and in educational activities of very short duration. Employment here is defined and covers all those individuals who have been in paid work (per week) or were absent on the temporarily basis from such work(OECD, 2016). OECD also describes NEETs as those at risk of being socially excluded, with income below the poverty-line and without the skills to improve their economic situation. The term “NEET youth” is fairly recent. The popularity of its concept is associated with its assumed potential to address a broad range of vulnerabilities among youth,

(19)

especially the health challenges this group experiences (ILO, 2015). From a little known indicator aimed primarily on focusing on the issue of school drop-outs among teenagers in the early 2000s, it has now gained enough weight and has been directed as a specific target within the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

National research on NEETs

According to report «Ungdom som verken er i arbeid eller utdanning» published by Statistics Norway most of the young people in Norway are in work or studying, however some of them have challenges and limitations with regard to active participation in everyday life(Bø & Vigran, 2014).

Report´s authors statethat 71 000 of young people in Norway in the age group between 15-29 are not participating in labour and/or education-related activities(Bø & Vigran, 2014). After five years, each fifth person is still in the same life situation, while others have been in and out of NEET several times over the years. It is reported that many of them receive social economic and health related support either through NAV or from their families (Bø & Vigran, 2014). The report notes that in the period of 2012, 51 percent of the NEETs received health-related benefits, while 13 percent had other financial benefits, four percent were unemployed and 32 percent had an unknown status. Poor health is considered a significant factor contributing to being a NEET. The report concludes that those with NEET status consistently have more long-term challenges in relation to securing a foothold in the labour market. Some NEETs will be unemployed, while others drop out because they eventually stop seeking employment (Bø & Vigran, 2014).

In the Norlandsforskning report «Hverdagsliv og drømmer. For unge som står utenfor arbeid og skole», researchers wanted to elaborate their knowledge about how young people who are not in education or work are experiencing their everyday life and life situation(Thrana, Anvik, Bliksvær, &

Handegård, 2009). Researchers defined this group as «unge utenfør» because participants reported to be in marginal positions with regard to education and work. Young people from this study had problems with concentration, theoretical challenges, psychological and physical health problems.

Participants stated having experience in contact with various actors within the health and welfare system. Interviews with these participants illustrated that the life situation they are in, in relation to work and education, was complex and demanded multifaceted solutions. Here, researchers noted that individual, social, cultural and structural factors may all affect participant´s life situation.

(20)

International research on NEETs

In some population studies, the key correlates represented among NEET youth identified to date are usually accompanied with demographic and social factors, such as socioeconomic status, parental factors (related to occupation, educational levels, divorce, unemployment), living conditions, negative school experiences (such as bullying, learning difficulties, behavioural problems etc.) and crime (Stoleman & Thiel, 2010). Additionally, there are some gender and age factors increasing the likelihood of being a NEET (OECD, 2016).

Labour Force Survey (LFS) is a European sample survey providing information on the NEET group conducted by European Commission’s Database- Eurostat. The survey explores one of the most important decisions made by young people: the process of transitioning from education to work. The vast majority (89,8 %) of young people in the countries of the European Union between the ages of 15 and 19 continue to participate in studies(Eurostat, 2016). The survey in this matter follows analysis of the school and work engagement of people aged between 20 to 34. In recent years, young people have started to switch jobs more frequently and thus take a longer time to become established within the labour market. As a result, the transition between education and work has become less clear, which leads to a growing number of students combining work and studies at the same time.

Survey data shows that NEET rates were 17,3 percent for people in the age between 20-24, 19,7 percent aged 25-29, and 19,4 percent for people between 30-34 years old (Eurostat, 2016). This survey also shows that there is a considerable difference between the sexes in relation to the proportion of NEET youth. In 2015, almost 23 percent of young women in the age between 20-34 years were NEETs, whilst only 14 percent of young men were neither in employment nor educational training(Eurostat, 2016). It is assumed by the LFS researchers that there are a range of factors that may explain this gender difference. Among these are so called social pressures, according to which, women´s role is associated within the family, and men´s role in the workplace.

Another factor is assigned to gender segregation which direct women into relatively narrow occupation options, typically caring professions such as nursing. The third factor relates to labour market issues, for example: young women are more likely to have low-paid jobs or precarious employment; furthermore, young women face discrimination during recruitment processes, or assimilation difficulties when returning to work after maternity leave. The LFS report concludes that young people with few or no educational qualifications may struggle to enter the labour market. This can result people finding themselves stuck in a cycle of low paid work, with minimal opportunities for progression. Therefore, the level of education that young people achieve has a strong influence on their employment options and likelihood of remaining in work. The survey notes that young

(21)

people who spend a considerable period of time as NEETs are often affected by wide social conditions, such as poverty, social exclusion, insecurity, crime and health related problems.

Qualitative and quantitative studies performed in the United Kingdom on NEETs are usually concentrated on the age group of 16-18 years old. These studies have defined the following sets of factors associated with NEET status: inequality; personal, family and life situation; negative experiences or failures in the educational system (Serracant, 2014). One of these studies is a British cohort study investigating how the NEET status is related to self-reported commitment to work, job- search, skills and economic optimism and tested the hypothesis about elevated rates of mental health and substance abuse among British NEET youth aged 18 years old (Goldman-Mellor et al., 2016).

The aim of this study was not to establish the causal direction between NEET status and mental health, although the researchers do note that they may reciprocally affect each other. The researchers aimed to provide insight into the lives of these young people and to suggest ways that service providers and policy makers can improve the life and health situation of NEETs. Results from this study have shown that approximately one in nine participants were neither studying nor working, and were classified as NEET. The study suggests that NEET status is strongly influenced by family- wide environmental risk factors. The NEETs viewed themselves as committed to searching for jobs, but were less prepared for work and succeeding in the labour force than their non-NEET peers.

Moreover, NEET youth were more pessimistic when reflecting upon their future likelihood of getting ahead in life unlike non-NEETs. With regard to mental health of the participants, this study has shown that they had higher rates of diagnostic psychiatric and substance disorders compared to their peers. Importantly, this study shows that NEET youth (at the age of 18 years) are, on average, experiencing «burn-out» to such a degree that results in mental health and substance misuse problems. Among the predominant health disorders of the participants were depression and anxiety.

A Swiss study on NEETs aimed to investigate if NEET youth differ from other contemporaries in terms of personality, substance misuse and mental health(Baggio et al., 2015). Firstly, the prevalence rate derived from this study were in accordance with previously reported data on the same topic.

NEET youth reported to represent 6,1 percent of the total sample (7,3 percent at the follow up)(Baggio et al., 2015). Disengagement from any institution whether educational or work related was quite uncommon for the population (the study sample consisted of young Swiss men). The number of Swiss NEET youth appeared to be very low in comparison to the whole OECD countries, however comparable with those of northern OECD countries, including Norway. Secondly, NEET youth did not differ in any dimensions of personality, but were more likely to engage in substance abuse and report depressive symptoms. The study has shown that even if some youth were NEET for a while, most of them did not remain NEET for a long time. Overall, study findings stress that causal

(22)

paths presented NEET status as a consequence of mental health problems and substance abuse rather than a cause(Baggio et al., 2015).

A cross-sectional Australian study explored the prevalence of NEET status among young adults seeking help at primary mental healthcare services (O’Dea et al., 2014). Researchers aimed to determine the non-clinical and clinical factors associated with NEET status and whether such were moderated by gender. A total of 19 percent of participants were classified as NEETs. Among these, 68 percent received governmental assistance in the past three months in the form of various types of social economical support. As to gender, NEETs in this study were more likely to be male and aged between 20 and 25 years. NEETs had higher symptoms of depression and were more likely to be in a progressed stage of mental illness. NEETs reported lower levels of social and occupational functioning accompanied with the high rates of economic hardship(O’Dea et al., 2014).

Media perspective of the Norwegian NEETs– «navere»

Media is an integrated part of our lives, and its popularity and power has a big influence on society.

How the media portrays certain groups within a society can influence both public opinion and how individuals within these groups view themselves, impacting upon formation of their identity.

As previously noted, one of the groups which have high media attention in Norway is youth, and one of the most discussed topics in relation to youth is the so called «Navingsdebaten». It took place for the first time in Norwegian media in 2012 (Helgesen, 2014). And since then the verb «å nave»

became a common notion well used in media and public. This verb is usually associated with young people and means that one takes free year from school or work and at the same time receives help (mostly, economical) from NAV. In this way, young people finance their life expenses whilst not studying or working.

In her master thesis, Helgesen (2014) analysed how the Norwegian media has described young people and work in the time frame from 1952-2012. She used the analysis of media materials from one of the biggest newspaper publishers in Norway– VG. She analysed how the society views the youths in relation to work life, and how youth´s identity construction can be influenced or informed by the media. Helgesen notes that media usually ascribes «naving» as something negative (2014).

Media portrays young people as those who assume that working is not needed in order to receive income; and that public assumes that this practise will have negative consequences for the society as a whole(Helgesen, 2014).

Another master student in her master thesis «Holdninger til «naving» discusses the subject of

«naving» as presented by the Norwegian media (Henriksen, 2014). She elaborates that low social

(23)

class and lower-than average education levels were first assigned by the media as factors associated with «naving». Later, Henriksen (2014) notes, the media assumptions have changed. Discussions, as so, highlighted that social background and environmental factors could contribute to «naving».

However, more recent media articles tend to focus on the weaknesses of the Norwegian welfare system in addressing «naving.

The other term, often discussed in media with regard to NAV discussion is «trygdesnylting»

(Henriksen, 2014). This term usually is associated with people of a different age range, and not only young people. However, the terms «naving» and «trygdesnylting» refer to the same practice called

«snylting»(Henriksen, 2014). Both public and media debates that the social welfare system which was preliminary built to support state citizens and provide a safety net. But, in case of «snylting», the system becomes misused by those not willing to study or work (Henriksen, 2014). And this is usually assigned to young people(Henriksen, 2014). It is also often discussed, how it is necessary to protect the welfare system from its «unworthy users»(Henriksen, 2014).

According to my own observations debates around NAV usually take place on social media. Here, people share experiences about their contact with NAV by the means of Facebook (for example a group called «Vi som hater NAV») or on various online forums. Whether in the media, online or in real life, NAV topic is high on the agenda. Much of it is related to young people in contact with NAV. One may notice that there is lot of discontentment in the discussion about NAV and its structural and political ideology (Henriksen, 2014). I think that it may be interesting to explore how such public discussions (both in media and online) may affect the perceptions about NAV amongst its clients and their identities (as NAV-clients).

Empirical knowledge gaps

When conducting empirical literature review, I aimed to explore how national and international research presents young people. As to the best of my knowledge, much of the literature I came across, concentrates on the issues related to youth´s drop-out form school, unemployment, economic challenges and (psychological) ill-health.

Some studies refer that poor psychological health among young people may negatively consequence on the quality of their life, the process of their social establishment and future life. Thus, among young people who experience poor psychological health or have challenges in regard to it, many may have low educational levels, low employment rates and longer unemployment status when compared to individuals without health related problems (Hammer & Hyggen, 2013a). For example, young men and women with low education levels may experience the double the likelihood of the

(24)

occurrence of psychological health challenges in comparison to those with a higher educational levels(Næss, Rognerud, & Strand, 2007). Studies show that the poorer physical and psychological health youths have, the higher the probability that they will drop out from high school education (Markussen, 2011).

Norwegian research shows a sharp increase in the number of youths with psychological health problems, whom are defined as occupationally-hampered (in Norwegian: «yrkeshemmed»), and as result receive rehabilitation or disability related benefits (Brage & Thune, 2015). Psychological health problems are the cause of significant increase in the numbers of disability pensions (in Norwegian: «uførepensjoner») during the last 30 years (Anvik & Gustavsen, 2012). About a third of all disability pensions, both in Norway and in the rest of OECD states, is caused by psychological health problems, particularly anxiety and depression (Anvik & Gustavsen, 2012).

The research I reviewed highlights the problems of young people during the establishment faze as a transition from school education to work life. It notes that they experience many social, mental and economical challenges. As a result, many young people seek help from the welfare system to fight these challenges. More so, the role which welfare system plays in young people lives may become crucial for their future life way. To the date, most of the research about young NAV clients has deployed quantitative techniques. I found very little qualitative studies exploring the depth of youth´s own perspectives about their contact with NAV, and especially those experiencing psychological health challenges.When conducting review of the empirical literature I have used mostly Oria search engine, available through the University of Oslo Library. In addition, I have used PubMed, Web of Science (Knowledge) and Google Scholar online search engines.

(25)

Theoretical background

Below I will present the theoretical background of this study and the reasoning behind it.

Identity and adolescence

The identity statuses serve the base for the current identity theory and research (Kroger, 2007).Identity statuses originated from the attempts to validate a major construct- ego identity, which was drawn from ego psychoanalytic theory(Erikson, 1950). The ego identity is a central concept in Erikson´s theory of psychological development. Erikson noted eight stages of ego growth.

Each of these stages of personal development, are accompanied with the relationships between the individual and the society. According to Erikson both the individual and the society form a unity, in which both mutually regulate each other. When elaborating about Erikson´s tradition, another scientist noted that «social institutions are preconditions of social development» and that «society is not merely a prohibitor or provider; it is the necessary matrix of the development of all behaviour»(Rapaport, 1958, p.104).

The psychological crises individuals experience through certain stages of development is central to Erikson´s theory. The psychological crisis of late adolescence usually appears with the imminence of adult tasks (Kroger & Marcia, 2011). Such tasks, for example, can be starting higher education, getting a (first) job or planning a marriage. The late adolescent must move from the childhood position of the one who is being given (provided for) and prepare to be the giver(Kroger & Marcia, 2011). This new positioning involves changing one´s worldview as well as considering the future life via a possible occupational pass (Skorikov & Vondracek, 2011). This means that a person should, in a way, reconstruct him/herself in order to become capable of handling with a broader range of developmental tasks in the future. The psychological task of ego identity here is accompanied with integration. Some scientists describe this as following:

The achievement of ego identity involves a synthesis of childhood identifications in the individual´s own terms, so that she/he establishes a reciprocal relationship with her/his society and maintains a feeling of continuity within her/himself. It represents a reformulation of all that individual has been into a core of what she/he is to become (Jane Kroger & Marcia, 2011, p.33).

Erikson assumed two issues that confront late adolescence. These are the choice of an occupation and the formation of ideology (Erikson, 1950). These choices are associated with identity crises, because «any significant change in personality structure […] elicits anxiety, that must be controlled

(26)

in order to permit effective functioning in the world» (Kroger & Marcia, 2011, p.33). As so, the period of late adolescence is a period when the past is examined and the new identity is to be configured. The sense identity that one develops in adolescence and emerging adulthood, helps to determine one´s success in resolving developmental tasks in adulthood(Erikson, 1950). For example, research has shown that the identity status to which one was assigned in college, was found to predict the ways in which one deals with the challenges throughout adulthood (Luyckx, Schwartz, Goossens, Beyers, & Missotten, 2011a). Below I will present the notion of identity and the theories of identity I assumed to be relevant to the topic of this study.

Identity

Identity is one of the most commonly studied constructs in the psychological and social sciences.

Identity is a powerful construct (Vignoles, Schwartz, & Luyckx, 2011). Existing approaches define identity according to one or more of three different levels: individual, relational, and collective (Vignoles et al., 2011). As so, scientists usually also distinguish between the individual or personal identity, the relational identity and the collective identity.

Individual identity refers to the self-definition aspects of a person at the individual level(Vignoles et al., 2011). One person’s goals, values, beliefs (Waterman, 1999), standards of behaviour and decision making (Hardy & Carlo, 2005), as well as self-esteem and self-evaluation (Kernis, Lakey,

& Heppner, 2008), desired, expected and future selves (Granberg, 2006), and one´s overall life story are parts of personal identity (McAdams, 2011).

Relational identity refers to one´s role vis-à-vis to other people and focuses on the roles individuals bare in relation to others, for example, a mother, a college, a supervisor(Luyckx et al., 2011a).

Relational identity refers also to the way people define and interpret the roles they assume they coexist in. Scientists note that relational identity is defined and located within interpersonal space(Bamberg, 2004), as well as within families(Lee, 2003), or in roles one may have according to and within the larger system (Thatcher & Zhu, 2006). Main postulates of the theories on relational identity is that the individual´s identities are established in the context of social audience(Swann Jr.

& Bosson, 2008).

Collective identity or a group identity refers to people´s identification within the group or social categories they belong to and the meanings they give to these groups and categories, as well as the feelings, beliefs, and attitudes resulting in identifying with the group (Ashmore, Deaux, &

McLaughlin-Volpe, 2004). Theoretical approaches discussing collective identities tend to focus on

(27)

examining the wider societal aspects underlying the collective identity formation, such as historical and cultural aspects they may proclaim.

Scientists broaden the traditional understanding of identity and note that beyond individual, relational and collective identities, people might also be said to have material identities(Ashmore et al., 2004). Scientists say that the contents of a person´s identity may include not only her/his mind, body, friends, but also clothes, car, house-materials, artifacts (Belk, 1988), and significant places (Proshansky, Fabian, & Kaminoff, 1983). All this together, assign numerous aspects of identity, meaning that one may have multiple identities at the same time.

Multiple aspects of identity mean that one may view her/himself both as a student, a daughter, a wife, a Ukrainian, a Norwegian citizen and many others. These different aspects of identity will be more or less passive or active according to different social contexts, and will intersect and interact with each other (Crenshaw, 1991). In this matter, one of the ways of viewing the identity focuses on the definitions and meanings of identity categories as ideas in their own right(Schwartz, Luyckx, &

Vignoles, 2011). Thus, in any given cultural environment and historical moment, identity categories may have particular meanings which are constructed and established through social discourse(Rattansi & Phoenix, 2005).

Various literature on identity has different theoretical and metatheoretical traditions. Scientists devise in finding answers as to whether the identity should be viewed primarily as personal, relational, or collective phenomenon; whether identity is viewed as relatively stable, fluid or constantly changing; whether identity is viewed as discovered, or as personally or socially constructed(Schwartz et al., 2011). Scientists also argue on whether identity should be researched using qualitative or quantitative methodology. This is due to the complexity and richness of identity notion, as described here:

Identity is simultaneously a personal, relational, and collective phenomenon; it is stable in some ways and fluid in others; and identity is formed and revised throughout the lifespans of individuals and the histories of social groups and categories, through the interplay of processes of self-discovery, personal construction, and social construction, some of which are relatively deliberate and explicit. It is this very complexity that makes identity such a rich and valuable theoretical construct (Schwartz et al., 2011)

Narrative identity

Some scientists regard identity as an internal story(McAdams, 2011). They argue that this story would look like a tale with main characters, key scenes, imagined endings, how the person

(28)

reconstructs the personal past (chapters gone by) and anticipates the future (chapters yet to come)(McAdams, 2011). Thus, identity would look something like a story that puts life together in time and according to certain cultural context(Erikson, 1950).

Researchers have developed a wide range of analytical systems in order to explore the content and structure of life stories. Many studies have looked at how the identity narratives are formed according to consequential features related to person´s motives, traits, developmental stages, psychological well-being and psychological challenges (McAdams, 2011). For example, people who suffer from depression, may construct life narratives that show the scenes where good events suddenly turn bad(Adler, Kissel, & McAdams, 2006). Studies that have examined narrative identity commonly assume that the life stories are integrative autobiographical projects with psychological staying power(McAdams, 2011), and that these projects are stable enough to reveal important psychological insights about the storyteller. On the other hand, some scientists argue that people often perform narrative identities according to certain social situations, with regard to certain discursive conventions(Shotter & Gergen, 1989). Identity selves are constantly revised according to specific situations and time. Some scientists offer the idea that narrative identity combines multiple stories evolving in psychological space (Raggatt, 2006). They also suggest that identities are not uniform, but multiform constructions of opposing images of the self against one another(Raggatt, 2006).

Self-storytelling develops in a social context (Schwartz et al., 2011). In addition, cultural norms define conventional phases of life and suggest the causal explanations making sense in telling a life- story (Schwartz et al., 2011). Also social and cultural factors are significant in moving the identity agenda forward in teens and 20s(Erikson, 1950). Young people and their significant others, like teachers, parents, peers, and the media urge adolescents to begin thinking about the self in terms of who he or she really is and what he or she wants to be(Schwartz et al., 2011). As so, social and cultural factors stimulate the young person to achieve a certain life style (Habermas & Bluck, 2000).

Of course, even without these forces, young people may wonder who they are and where they want to be. But its now, when these wonderings may begin to take a narrative form. And these wonderings will be accompanied by the physical, biological, ideological, psychological, economic, historical and cultural realities in play (Hammack, 2008).

Interestingly, by the age of 50 and over, according to some studies in cognitive psychology, narrative identity which emerged through a period of life course, will forever retain a special salience in autobiographical memory of a person (Schwartz et al., 2011). These studies show the tendency for other adults to recall a disproportionate number of significant life events that emerged between the

(29)

Thus, they all agree that this time is a very important period of life enriched with events that are significant for the person´s future, such as: leaving home, starting higher education or getting a first job(Conway & Pleydell-Pearce, 2000). This period also reflects the developmental emergence of narrative identity. People tend to remember these moments most, in part, because, it is now when they began to put their lives together into a story (Schwartz et al., 2011).

Social identity

Identity is defined at several different levels of inclusiveness (Sedikides & Brewer, 2001). Some perspectives on identity have tended to focus primarily on the aspects of individual identity and on the individual processes of the identity development(Schwartz, 2005). Others tend to enlighten the aspects of relational and collective identities and to place a large significance to the social process of their constitution (Turner, Oakes, Haslam, & McGarty, 1994a). According to the social identity theory, identity is shaped at both the personal and the social level, by the social context (Turner et al., 1994a). Furthermore, some scientists note that identity can be (and, I believe, should be) viewed as «defined by individual, relational, and collective processes»(Vignoles et al., 2011). As so, the identity is a subjective understanding or experience of the individual, an interpersonal construction, and a sociocultural product(Vignoles et al., 2011). In order to capture the richness and complexity of what identity means and how identity processes operate, scientist stress the need to view identity through these multiple lenses.

The process of social identification within the groups we belong to, is an important part in connecting people within the groups. It tells us who we are and who we are not. In this relation, the social identity is a product of categorization of social means and the process of identification with the groups we belong to, which we later characterize as a part of ourselves(Tajfel, 1978). In addition, it is also important to take into account the nature of the social structure and the positions in which people are embedded in.

Later, Turner and his students proposed the distinction of the social identity theory and named it self-categorization theory (Turner, Oakes, Haslam, & McGarty, 1994b). Turners theory poses that social identities correspond to different comparative contexts. As so, self-categorization theory conceptualizes the social identity at different levels of abstraction, such as: personal, group and human. This theory addresses the notion of identity salience, social influence, attraction, group formation, leadership and collective behaviour. This theory is applicable to both personal and group levels of self-identification. Here, an individual may identify her/himself with more superordinate groups (for example, humanity) and even downwards, with the personal self(Waterman, 1990).More

(30)

so, just as one may have a wide range of group identities (a student, a daughter, a wife, etc.), one may have different personal identities corresponding to different contexts (Turner et al., 1994b) (myself as a sister, myself as a daughter, myself as a wife). Self-categorization theory is not purely about group identification. One may identify her/himself in an interpersonal comparative context (unlike my brother, I am non-political, and I am an introvert, etc.).

In both the social identity theory (proposed by Tajfel) and the self-categorization theory (proposed by Turner), the central role takes place within the process of social comparison. This process is also central in determining which identities become salient in which contexts. In addition, when the contexts are taken into account, the social reality can be captured through the social stereotypes people view themselves and others. According to self-categorization theory, stereotyping is not just about how one perceives the out-group(s), but also about perceiving the self and the in-group (Spears, 2011).

People categorize themselves as members of a social group or a category […], they learn or infer the norms and attributes associated with that group or category, and they then apply these to themselves (Spears, 2011, p.212).

The understanding of one´s social identity opens up the way to re-examine (intra) group dynamics.

When considering such dynamics some very interesting findings may emerge (Spears, 2011). For example, Spears states that «identities are not just cognitive representations in the head», but they

«may reflect social reality, and may be constrained by this reality» (Schwartz et al., 2011). Spears continues to say that social identity is not just about «being», but also about «becoming» (Spears, 2011).

The relevance of the identity research

Identity development, including personal, social, cultural and other dimensions of identity in adolescence (adulthood) is an exciting research field. It offers great potential in understanding how and why some young people may «successfully» go through the self-establishment phase, whereas some may experience it as challenging. Research on identity and its development in the process of youth´s self-establishment can be used to promote successful transitions of youth´s to future adult life, as well as to prevent and reduce risk factors accompanied with this transitions.

(31)

Design

In this chapter I will present the study design and methodological choices I had to undergo prior, during and after the data collection. I start with presenting the study design and move further on to the discussion of the methodological choices behind this study concentrating on the discussions of the data collection techniques I deployed in my thesis. Later I present subjects of the study and the process of their recruitment. I also negotiate on the prerequisite and content of the ethical considerations as referred to in this study. Further, I describe the process of data collection and data analysis. Finally, I reflect on the strength and weaknesses of the methodological choices of this study and data I have collected.

Study design and methodology

Qualitative research is able to access the subjective human experience and to understand human existence in the context of their everyday life(Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009).The main purpose of this study was to explore participant´sperceptions about their contact with NAV. In this matter, I have decided that using qualitative methodology in this study would be most fruitful.

Now, whilst the choice of type of methodology has been made, there is still the issue of which particular qualitative approach to adopt. I have considered utilizing interview design with the use of semi-structured interviews and focus group interview. Now I will present the choice behind using these data collection techniques as well some of the methodological aspects in this study.

Individual interview

Interviewing is the most common format of data collection in qualitative research(Jamshed, 2014).

Some authors describe interviewing as a type of framework in which practices and standards are achieved, challenged and reinforced (Oakley, 1998). Most of the literature discusses three main types of research interviews: structured, semi-structured and unstructured.

Structured interviews(Whiting, 2008)are usually referred as a formal interview with a fixed set of closed questions. They are fairly easy to conduct and are less time consuming. In order to collect a generalizable data through this type of interview, fairly large samples of respondents should be obtained. Possible limitations of structured interviews are that they are not flexible, which means that new questions cannot be asked impromptu during the interview as the interview guide should be strictly followed. Another limitation is that respondent´s answers may lack in detail and allow little freedom for a participant to reflect upon other relevant topics during the interview.

(32)

Unstructured interviews are usually deployed when conducting long term field work and in practice usually resembles a causal conversation, which is directed to the research interests of the interviewer(Gill, Stewart, Treasure, & Chadwick, 2008). This interview type allows researchers to gather much qualitative data and gain larger numbers of the participants. However, data collected during the unstructured interviews might be difficult to generalize.

In contrast,semi-structured interviews(Whiting, 2008)are based on the schematic, predetermined interview guide based on topics with a set of questions aimed to depict research interest. These types of interviews are conducted once only, with an individual or with a group and generally cover the duration of 30 minutes to more than an hour. In order for semi-structured interviews to be productive, carefully planned interview guides can be used to interview many respondents in a more systematic and comprehensive way, as well keeping the interview flow focused on the desired research interest. Successfully performed semi-structured interviews should in theory provide a researcher with in-depth reflections on the research topic which are presented in a clear and organized data material. This in turn can allowthe researcher to work with more generalizable data.

Thus, after careful consideration, I decided to use semi-structured interviews as a method of data collection in this master project. One of the very important aspects in this relation, was to gain an in- depth meaning of participant´s perceptions about their contact with NAV.

Besides knowing that semi-structured interviews provide a possibility for in-depth exploration of the research topic, there are some favourable practical aspects of deploying them. Firstly, considering the time frame of this study, recruitment of the participants and collection of data itself, I suggested that semi-structured interviews would allow me to be most productive. Secondly, I have used semi- structured interviews in my previous master project and have gained practical skills in performing such interviews. This previous experience has given me a deeper understanding of the pros and the challenges associated with this type of interview. But above all, I appreciate the flexibility and reflexive manner of semi-structured interviews, which I think was beneficial for my research.

Focus group interview

Focus group research involves organized discussion of the topic of interest in order to gain information about it from the group of selected individuals. This type of interviewing is particularly feasible when a researcher wants to obtain several perspectives about the same topic. Some scientists argue that one of the crucial features of the focus group is that participants receive an opportunity to interact with each other highlighting their views and perceptions about a certain topic(Kitzinger, 1994). They may also elaborate on the individual aspects of the research topic as well as find

(33)

common aspects by asking questions of each other or reflecting on others opinions. This is of course beneficial for the research, however, some possible problems may arise when attempting to identify the individual view from the group view.

Besides the methodological benefits of the focus groups interviews, organizing focus groups usually requires more planning than for example, individual interviewing. Bringing people together into a group, as well as ensuring a trusting atmosphere can be difficult, but is vital so that participants feel free to share their opinions with the group members. It is also important to fill a group with a sufficient number of participants. Some researchers recommend six to ten people per group(MacIntosh, 1993), but others have used up to fifteen people (Gill et al., 2008), whilst others have yet recommended four(Kitzinger, 1994). In addition, focus group sessions may be repeated with the same group or with other groups. Focus group sessions usually last from one to two hours.

Choosing an appropriate location for the focus group interview should also be considered(Powell &

Single, 1996). Identifying appropriate participants for the focus group is important, along with considering selection characteristics such as gender and age. Once participants have been recruited and the meeting arranged, the role of the researcher as a moderator of the group becomes crucial.

When conducting focus group meetings, the researcher should provide clear explanations about the purpose of the group interview, help participants to feel comfortable and to facilitate an active interaction between the group members.

Some researchers argue that focus group interviews may be used during the preliminary or exploratory stages of the research in order to, for example, explore or generate study hypotheses (Krueger, 1998). Whilst others note that focus group interviews may also be used to develop questions or concepts for questionnaires and interview guides(Hoppe, Wells, Morrison, Gillmore, &

Wilsdon, 1995). This type of interviewing is particularly feasible when a researcher wants to obtain several perspectives about the same topic. I chose to conduct a focus group at the last stage of the data collection and mostly as a complementary method of gaining data. I considered two main reasons for utilising this method. The first one was to gain more data for the research, as well as to increase the number of participants. The second one was to gain a group perception on the research topic.

Interview guide

(34)

I used a semi-structured interview guide as a main tool during the individual interviews and the focus group. Interview guides for the individual interview and focus group interview are attached in Appendix 6 and Appendix 7 respectively. These interview guides slightly differ; however, both were built with the aim to depict research questions most effectively.

Interview guides were very useful during the interviews. It provided a well-structured interview conversation, which then was easy to transcribe. While keeping interview conversation consistent, I left room for flexibility. In some cases, I had to slightly adapt interview questions. At times I needed to ask participants follow-up questions based on their responses or to «invent» new questions to help participants and myself depicting research topics. This is how I came up with the questions, like:

Hvis du har fått mulighet til å tilrettelegge NAV for unge mennesker med psykiske problemer, hva ville du ha gjort?and Hvordan livet hadde vært uten NAV?

Participants and recruitment

The subjects of this study represent a group of young adults in the age between 21 and 32age years.

Seven individuals participated in the individual interviews. Three of these individuals participated in the focus group interview in addition to two others who were recruited only for the focus group interview. In total, nine individuals participated in this study.

Participants were recruited from the non-profit community-based organization located in Oslo. The purpose of this organization is to provide people with psychological health challenges and illnesses a possibility to have an active everyday life, as well as a social network. The name of the organization is anonymized in order to excludeidentificationof the participants (further I will refer to this organization by the fictive name Vita). Participants were recruited with the help of one of the project coordinators working in this organization.

The main recruitment criteria were to find young adults with psychological health challenges and who have experience in contact with NAV (at least half a year of active contact with NAV).

Initially I aimed to recruit both men and women, however only men ended up participating in this study.

Ethical considerations

Qualitative research is saturated with moral and ethical issue (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009).

Qualitative research highlights ethical questions because it accesses the private life of the individuals and presents it to the public. As so, an awareness of ethical issues that may be derived from

«Jeg mener at NAV er viktig for unge folk med psykiske problemer fordi for noen av dem så kan det være den eneste mulighet»